Early years (1965–1971)

Hanifnejad (left) and Badizadegan (right), two of the founders of the organization

The Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK) was founded in 1965 by a group of Tehran University students whose radical ideas focused on an armed rebellion against Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, whom they considered corrupt, oppressive, and a puppet of the United States.^[76][30] They considered the mainstream Liberation Movement too moderate and ineffective.^[76] They aimed to establish a socialist state in Iran based on a modern and revolutionary interpretation of Islam,^{[77][3][78][16]} that originated from Islamic texts like Nahj al-Balagha and some of Ali Shariati's works.^[79][80] MEK founders included Mohammad Hanifnejad, Saeed Mohsen, and Ali Asghar Badizadegan,^[81] and it attracted primarily young, well-educated Iranians.^[82] While MEK publications were banned in Iran, in its first five years, the group primarily engaged in ideological work.^[83] Despite their Marxist influence, the group never used the terms "socialist" or "communist" to describe themselves.^[79][80]

During the 1970s, the MEK carried out a series of attacks against the Iranian and Western targets^[30] and tried to kidnap the U.S. Ambassador to Iran Douglas MacArthur II in 1970.^[84] Some sources attribute the attempted kidnap to other groups.^[85][86][87] By August 1971, the MEK's Central Committee included Reza Rezai, Kazem Zolanvar, and Brahram Aram.^[88] During August–September 1971, SAVAK managed to strike arrested and executed many members of MEK including its co-founders.^[89] Surviving leadership and key members of the organization were kept in prisons until the revolution.^[90] Some surviving members restructured the group by replacing the central cadre with a three-man central committee. Each of the three central committee members led a separate branch of the organization.^[91] Two of the original central committee members were replaced in 1972 and 1973, and the replacing members were in charge of leading the organization until the internal purge of 1975.^[89]

Schism (1971–1978)

By 1973, the members of the Marxist–Leninist MEK launched an "internal ideological struggle".^[92] They asserted that "they had reached the conclusion that Marxism, not Islam, was the true revolutionary philosophy".^[93] Members who did not convert to Marxism were expelled or reported to SAVAK.^[92] This led to two rival Mojahedin, each with its own publication, its own organization, and its own activities.^[94] The new group was known initially as the Mojahedin M.L. (Marxist–Leninist). A few months before the Iranian Revolution, the majority of the Marxist Mojahedin renamed themselves Peykar (Organization of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class) in 1978.^[95] 1971-1972 arrests and executions by the Shah's security services, also infighting within the organization "practically shattered the organization".^[96] From 1973 to 1979, the Muslim MEK including Massoud Rajavi were mainly in prisons.^[97] "Rajavi, upon release from prison during the revolution, had to rebuild the organization".^[98][99]

The group conducted several assassinations of U.S. military personnel and civilians working in Iran during the 1970s.^[100][101] Between 1973 and 1975, the Marxist–Leninist MEK increased their armed operations in Iran. In 1973, they engaged in two street battles with Tehran police and bombed ten buildings including Plan Organization, Pan-American Airlines, Shell Oil Company, Hotel International, Radio City Cinema, and an export company owned by a Baha'i businessman. In February 1974, they attacked a police station in Isfahan and in April, they bombed a reception hall, Oman Bank, gates of the British embassy, and offices of Pan-American Oil company in protest of the Sultan of Oman's state visit. A communiqué by the organization declared that their actions had been to show solidarity with the people of Dhofar. On 19 April 1974, they attempted to bomb the SAVAK centre at Tehran University. On 25 May, they set off bombs at three multinational corporations.^[102] Also Lt. Col. Louis Lee Hawkins, a U.S. Army comptroller, was shot dead in Tehran by MEK assailants in 1973.^[103][102] A car carrying three American employees of Rockwell International was attacked by MEK in August 1976.^[104] William Cottrell, Donald Smith, and Robert Krongard were killed^[105] working on the Ibex system. Leading up to the Islamic Revolution, members of the MEK conducted attacks and assassinations against both Iranian and Western targets.^{[106] [107]} In May 1972, an attack on Brig. Gen. Harold Price was attributed to the MEK.^[108] According to George Cave, MEK hit squad members also attacked Harold Price and disabled him for the rest of his life.^[109] These assassinations were carried out either by the Marxist^{[110][111][112][113]} or Islamist branch of the MEK.^{[100][101][106]}

1979 Iranian Revolution and subsequent power struggles

By early 1979, the MEK had organized themselves and recreated armed cells, especially in Tehran and helped overthrow the Pahlavi regime.^[114] In January 1979, Massoud Rajavi was released from prison and rebuilt the MEK together with other members that had been imprisoned.^[114][115] The group supported the revolution in its initial phases,^[116] and became "a major force in Iranian politics" according to Ervand Abrahamian.^[117] Although it soon entered into conflict with Khomeini,^[115] and became a leading opposition to the new theocratic regime.^[118] Its candidate for the head of the newly founded council of experts was Massoud Rajavi in the referendum of August 1979. He was not elected.^[116]

The MEK further launched an unsuccessful campaign supporting total abolition of Iran's standing military, the Islamic Republic of Iran Army, in order to prevent a coup d'état against the system. They also claimed credit for infiltration against the Nojeh coup plot.^[119] The MEK was one of the supporters of the occupation of the American embassy in Tehran after the Iranian revolution although MEK has denied it.^[120]

The MEK refused to participate in the December 1979 Iranian constitutional referendum organized by the Islamic Republican Party to ratify the Constitution drafted by the Assembly of Experts,^[121] arguing that the new constitution had failed in many aspects "most important of all, accept the concept of the 'classless tawhidi society'".^[121] Despite the opposition, the 3 December 1979 referendum vote approved the new constitution.^[1][121] Once the constitution had been ratified, the MEK proposed Rajavi as their presidential candidate. In his campaign, Rajavi promised to rectify the constitution's shortcomings.^[121]

Electoral disenfranchisement and opposition activity (1980–1981)

As a result of the boycott, Khomeini subsequently refused to allow Massoud Rajavi and MEK members to run in the 1980 Iranian presidential election.^[122][123] Khomeini declared that "those who had failed to endorse the Constitution could not be trusted to abide by that Constitution."^[28] And the MEK was also unable to win a single seat in the 1980 Iranian legislative election.^[124] Instead, Rajavi allied with Iran's new president, Abolhassan Banisadr, elected in January 1980,^[114] and the group began clashing with the ruling Islamic Republican Party while avoiding direct and open criticism of Khomeini.^[5] The MEK was in turn suppressed by Khomeini's revolutionary organizations.^[125] On June 20, 1981, the MEK organized a demonstration against Khomeini with the aim of overthrowing the regime. Some 50 demonstrators were killed in the protests.^[31][32][29] The MEK responded by declaring war against the Government of Islamic Republic of Iran,^[126] and initiating a series of bombings and assassinations targeting the clerical leadership.^[5]

Open conflict with the Islamic Republican Party

Bomb debris after assassination of President Mohammad-Ali Rajaei and Prime Minister Mohammad-Javad Bahonar in 1981

Further information: 1981 Iranian Prime Minister's office bombing and List of people assassinated by the People's Mujahedin of Iran

In July 1981, the MEK then formed the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) with the stated goal of uniting the opposition to the Iranian government under one umbrella organization.^[136] Rajavi assumed the position of chairman of the organization.^[137] On 30 August 1981, they bombed the Prime Minister's office, killing the elected President Rajai and Premier Mohammad Javad Bahonar. Iranian authorities announced that Massoud Keshmiri, an MEK member was probably responsible.^{[138][139][140][141]} The reaction to the Hafte Tir bombing and the bombing of the Prime Minister's office was intense, with many arrests and executions of Mojahedin.^[142] The MEK responded by targeting key Iranian official figures for assassination, as well as attacking low-ranking civil servants and members of the Revolutionary Guards, along with ordinary citizens who supported the new government.^[143]

During the fall of 1981, the MEK was in charge of 65 percent of assassinations carried out in Iran^[144] From 26 August 1981 to December 1982, the MEK orchestrated 336 attacks.^[145] Likewise, between June 1981 and April 1982, approximately 3500 MEK members were killed.^[146] In July 1982, 13 IRGC members and Mohammad Sadoughi were killed by MEK members.^[32]

Exile and underground opposition activity (1982–1988)

In 1982, the Islamic Republic cracked down MEK operations within Iran.^[107] On February 8th Mousa Khiabani, Rajavi's deputy and the MEK's field commander in Iran was killed following a three hour gunfight at a North Tehran safehouse.^[147] Alongside him died his wife Azar Rezaei, Ashraf Rabiei, Rajavi's first wife and six others. Rajavi's son Mostafa survived and was later sent to Paris. ^[148][146] This event significantly consolidated Rajavi's leadership position since like him, Khiabani was one of the few surviving initial members who had undertaken the organizations original ideological training.^[147] The majority of the MEK leadership and members fled to France, where it operated until 1985.^[149] The organization gained a new life in exile, and continuing to conduct violent attacks in Iran.^[17]

In 1983, the MEK started an alliance with Iraq following a meeting between Massoud Rajavi and Tariq Aziz.^[150] In June 1986, France, then seeking to improve relations with Iran, expelled the MEK and the organization relocated to Iraq. MEK representatives contend that their organization had little alternative to moving to Iraq considering its aim of toppling the Iranian clerical government.^[149] From 1982 to 1988, despite the mounting casualties on both sides, the lingering underground presence of the MEK in Iran remained operational and went on to perform an average of sixty operations per week, resulting in assassinations of important Khomeini deputies.^[146] The MEK came to be considered Iran's "largest and most active Iranian exile organization",^{[151][152][117]} and its publications were commonly circulated within the Iranian diaspora.^[153]

Operations Shining sun, Forty Stars, and Mersad

Further information: Iran–Iraq War, Operation Mersad, and Operation Forty Stars

MEK leader Massoud Rajavi with Iraqi president Saddam Hussein.

In 1986, after French Prime Minister Jacques Chirac struck a deal with Tehran for the release of French hostages held prisoners by the Hezbollah in Lebanon, the MEK was forced to leave France and relocated to Iraq.^[154] By 1987, most MEK leaders were based in Iraq, where the group remained until the 2003 US invasion. According to the US State Department, the MEK was mainly supported by Iraq during that period and was fighting on the Iraqi side in the 1980–1988 Iran–Iraq War.^[155] In 1987 Masoud Rajavi declared the establishment of the "National Liberation Army of Iran" (NLA). Its objective was to serve as an infantry force that included different militant groups members of the NCRI. Through a broadcast on Baghdad radio, the MEK extended an invitation to all progressive-nationalist Iranian individuals to join the NLA in overthrowing the government of the Islamic Republic.^[156]

On 27 March 1988, the NLA launched its first military offensive against the Islamic Republic's armed forces.^[52] The NLA captured 600 square-kilometres of Islamic Republic territory and 508 soldiers from the Iranian 77th infantry division in Khuzestan Province.^[157] The operation was named "Shining Sun"^{[51][52][53][54]} (or "Operation Bright Sun")^[157] in which according to Massoud Rajavi, 2000 Iranian soldiers were killed.^[157]

Operation Forty Stars was launched on June 18, 1988. With 530 aircraft sorties and heavy use of nerve gas, they attacked to the Iranian forces in the area around Mehran, killing or wounding 3,500 and nearly destroying a Revolutionary Guard division. The forces captured the city and took positions in the heights near Mehran, coming close to wiping the whole Iranian Pasdaran division and taking most of its equipment.^[158] While some sources claim that Iraq participated in the operation,^[159] The MEK and Baghdad said Iraqi soldiers did not take part.^[160][161]

Near the end of the Iran–Iraq War, a military force of 7,000 members of the MEK, armed and equipped by Saddam's Iraq and calling itself the National Liberation Army of Iran (NLA) was founded.^[162] On 26 July 1988, six days after Ayatollah Khomeini had announced his acceptance of the UN-brokered ceasefire resolution, the NLA advanced under heavy Iraqi air cover, crossing the Iranian border from Iraq.^[163] It seized the Iranian town of Islamabad-e Gharb. As it advanced further into Iran, Iraq ceased its air support and Iranian forces cut off NLA supply lines and counterattacked under cover of fighter planes and helicopter gunships. The MEK claims it lost 1,400 dead or missing and the Islamic Republic sustained 55,000 casualties. It claims to have killed 4,500 NLA during the operation.^[164] The operation was called Foroughe Javidan (Eternal Light) by the MEK and the counterattack Operation Mersad by the Iranian forces.^[165] Rajavi later stated that "the failure of Eternal Light was not a military blunder, but was instead rooted in the members' thoughts for their spouses".^[32]

Post-war Saddam era (1988–2003)

The Iranian government is believed to be concerned about MEK activities in Iran, and MEK supporters are a major target of Iran's internal security apparatus abroad^[176][177] and it is said to be responsible for killing MEK members, Kazem Rajavi on 24 April 1990 and Mohammad-Hossein Naghdi, a NCRI representative on 6 March 1993.^[176] In 1991 "In a sign of the group's appreciation for Saddam's generous hospitality and largesse", MEK assisted the Iraqi Republican Guard in suppressing nationwide uprisings of Shias, Kurds and Turkmens against Baathist regime.^{[178][58][59]}

In April 1992, the MEK attacked 10 Iranian embassies including the Iranian Mission to the United Nations in New York using different weapons, taking hostages, and injuring Iranian ambassadors and embassy employees. There were dozens of arrests.^[179][180] According to MEK representatives, the attacks were a way to protest the bombing of a MEK military base where several people had been killed and wounded.^[180]

in June 1998 FIFA president Sepp Blatter said that he received "anonymous threats of disruption from Iranian exiles" for the 1998 FIFA World Cup match between Iran and the U.S. football teams at Stade de Gerland.^[181] The MEK bought some 7,000 out of 42,000 tickets for the match between, in order to promote themselves with the political banners they smuggled. When the initial plan foiled with TV cameras of FIFA avoiding filming them, intelligence sources had been tipped off about a pitch invasion. To prevent an interruption in the match, extra security entered Stade Gerland.^[182]

In 1999, after a 2 1⁄2-year investigation, Federal authorities arrested 29 individuals in Operation Eastern Approach,^[183] of whom 15 were held on charges of helping MEK members illegally enter the United States.^[184] The ringleader was pleaded guilty to providing phony documents to MEK members and violation of Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996.^[185][186] In 2002 the NCRI publicly called or the formation of a National Solidarity Front to help overthrow Islamic Republic of Iran.^[187]

Post-U.S. invasion of Iraq (2003–2016)

Entrance Gate of Ashraf City when populated by PMOI exilees

In May 2003, during the Iraq War, the Coalition forces bombed MEK bases and forced them to surrender.^[196] This resulted in at least 50 deaths.^{[lower-alpha 5][197]} The US forces disarmed Camp Ashraf residents.^[62] In the operation, the U.S. reportedly captured 6,000 MEK soldiers and over 2,000 pieces of military equipment, including 19 British-made Chieftain tanks.^[198][199] Following the occupation the U.S. did not hand over MEK fighters to Iran.^[200][201] The group's core members were for many years effectively confined to Camp Ashraf,^[202] before later being relocated to a former U.S. military base, Camp Liberty, in Iraq.^[203] Then-Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney argued that the MEK should be used against Iran.^{[lower-alpha 6][205][201]} They were then placed under the guard of the U.S. Military. Defectors from the MEK requested assistance from the Coalition forces, who created a "temporary internment and protection facility" for them.^[206] In the first year these numbered "several hundred", mainly Iranian soldiers captured in the Iran-Iraq war and other Iranians lured to the MEK.^[207] In all, during the period of US control, nearly 600 members of the MEK defected.^[208]

In June 2004, Donald Rumsfeld designated the MeK as protected persons under the Fourth Geneva Convention.^{[209][205][210]} and signed a formal ceasefire agreement.^[62] Since 2009, when the Iraqi government became openly hostile to MEK, the U.S. led efforts to get the group's members out of Iraq.^[211] At the same time the MEK paid Western political influencers to lobby for its removal from the list of designated terrorist organizations.^{[205][212][213][214]} After it was no longer designated as a terrorist group, the US was able to convince Albania to accept the remaining 2,700 members who were brought to Tirana between 2014 and 2016.^{[205][215][216][217]}

Separate to events in Iraq, the organization launched a free-to-air satellite television network named Vision of Freedom (Sima-ye-Azadi) in England in 2003.^[218] It previously operated Vision of Resistance analogue television in Iraq in the 1990s, accessible in western provinces of Iran.^[219] They also had a radio station, Radio Iran Zamin, that was closed down in June 1998.^[220] In 2006, an EU freeze on the group's funds was overturned by the European Court of First Instance.^[221] In 2010 and 2011 Ali Saremi^{[222][223][224]} ,Mohammad Ali Haj Aghaei and Jafar Kazemi were executed by the Iranian government for co-operating with the MEK.^[225][226]

Settlement in Albania (2016–present)

In 2016, the United States brokered a deal to relocate the MEK to Albania. About 3,000 members moved to Albania, and the U.S. donated $20 million to the U.N. refugee agency to help them resettle.^[248] On 9 September 2016, more than 280 remaining MEK members were relocated to Albania.^[217] Camp Ashraf 3 is located in Manëz, Durrës County, where they have been protested by the locals.^[4]

Relationship during Trump presidency

In 2017, the year before John Bolton became President Trump's National Security Adviser, Bolton addressed members of the MEK and said that they would celebrate in Tehran before 2019.^[249] By 2018, operatives of the MEK were believed to be still conducting covert operations inside Iran to overthrow Iran's government.^[250] It also maintained some operations in France, and in January 2018, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani phoned French president Emmanuel Macron, asking him to order kicking the MEK out of its base in Auvers-sur-Oise, alleging that the MEK stirred up the 2017–18 Iranian protests.^[251] By 2018, over 4,000 MEK members had entered Albania, according to the INSTAT data.^[252]

On 30 June 2018, Rudy Giuliani, Donald Trump's personal lawyer, lectured an MEK gathering in Paris, calling for regime change in Tehran. John McCain and John Bolton have met the MEK's leader Maryam Rajavi or spoken at its rallies.^[22][253]

John Bolton speaking at a MEK event

During the Free Iran 2019 conference in Albania, Rudy Giuliani attended an MEK podium, where the former New York City mayor described the group as a "government-in-exile", saying it is a ready-to-go alternative to lead the country if the Iranian government falls.^[254] Additionally, the Trump administration said it would not rule out the MEK as a viable replacement for the current Iranian regime.^[255]

Before the revolution

According to Katzman, the MEK's early ideology is a matter of dispute. While scholars generally describe the MEK's ideology as an attempt to combine "Islam with revolutionary Marxism," today the organization claims that it has always emphasized Islam, and that Marxism and Islam are incompatible. Katzman writes that their ideology "espoused the creation of a classless society that would combat world imperialism, international Zionism, colonialism, exploitation, racism, and multinational corporations."^[14] The MEK's ideological foundation was developed during the period of the Iran revolution. According to its official history, the MEK first defined itself as a group that wanted to establish a nationalist, democratic, revolutionary Muslim organization in favour of change in Iran.^[272]

Historian Ervand Abrahamian observed that the MEK were "consciously influenced by Marxism, both modern and classical," but they always denied being Marxists because they were aware that the term was colloquial to 'atheistic materialism' among Iran's general public. The Iranian regime for the same reason was "eager to pin on the Mojahedin the labels of Islamic-Marxists and Marxist-Muslims."^[273]

According to Abrahamian, it was the first Iranian organization to develop systematically a modern revolutionary interpretation of Islam that "differed sharply from both the old conservative Islam of the traditional clergy and the new populist version formulated in the 1970s by Ayatollah Khomeini and his disciples."^[117] Abrahamian said that the MEK's early ideology constituted a "combination of Muslim themes; Shii notions of martyrdom; classical Marxist theories of class struggle and historical determinism; and neo-Marxist concepts of armed struggle, guerilla warfare and revolutionary heroism."^[274] According to James Piazza, the MEK worked towards the creation by armed popular struggle of a society in which ethnic, gender, or class discrimination would be obliterated.^[275]

Nasser Sadegh told military tribunals that although the MEK respected Marxism as a "progressive method of social analysis, they could not accept materialism, which was contrary to their Islamic ideology." The MEK eventually had a falling out with Marxist groups. According to Sepehr Zabir, "they soon became Enemy No. 1 of both pro-Soviet Marxist groups, the Tudeh and the Majority Fedayeen."^[119]

The MEK's ideology of revolutionary Shi'ism is based on an interpretation of Islam so similar to that of Ali Shariati that "many concluded" they were inspired by him. According to Ervand Abrahamian, it is clear that "in later years" that Shariati and "his prolific works" had "indirectly helped the Mujahedin."^[276]

In the group's "first major ideological work," Nahzat-i Husseini or Hussein's Movement, authored by one of the group's founders, Ahmad Reza'i, it was argued that Nezam-i Towhid (monotheistic order) sought by the prophet Muhammad, was a commonwealth fully united not only in its worship of one God but in a classless society that strives for the common good. "Shiism, particularly Hussein's historic act of martyrdom and resistance, has both a revolutionary message and a special place in our popular culture."^[277]

As described by Abrahamian, one Mojahedin ideologist argued:

Reza'i further argued that the banner of revolt raised by the Shi'i Imams, especially Ali, Hassan, and Hussein, was aimed against feudal landlords and exploiting merchant capitalists as well as against usurping Caliphs who betrayed the Nezam-i-Towhid. For Reza'i and the Mujahidin it was the duty of all Muslims to continue this struggle to create a 'classless society' and destroy all forms of capitalism, despotism, and imperialism. The Mojahedin summed up their attitude towards religion in these words: 'After years of extensive study into Islamic history and Shi'i ideology, our organization has reached the firm conclusion that Islam, especially Shi'ism, will play a major role in inspiring the masses to join the revolution. It will do so because Shi'ism, particularly Hussein's historic act of resistance, has both a revolutionary message and a special place in our popular culture.^[278]

After the revolution

MEK demonstrators carrying Lion and Sun flags and those of 'National Liberation Army of Iran'.

Massoud Rajavi supported the idea that the Shiite religion as compatible with pluralistic democracy.^[146] In 1981, after signing the "covenant of freedom and independence" with Banisadr, and establishing NCRI Massoud Rajavi made an announcement to the foreign press about the MEK's ideology saying that "First we want freedom for all political parties. We reject both political prisoners and political executions. In the true spirit of Islam, we advocate freedom, fraternity, and an end to all repression, censorship, and injustices."^[279] They appealed to all opposition groups to join NCRI, but failed to attract any except for the Kurdish Democratic Party. The failure is mainly associated to MEK's religious ideology.^[279] The covenant also proposed the protection of Iranian minorities, "especially the Kurdish minority."^[280]

In 2001, Kenneth Katzman wrote that the MEK had "tried to show itself as worthy of U.S. support on the basis of its commitment to values compatible with those of the United States – democracy, free market economics, protection of the rights of women and minorities, and peaceful relations with Iran's neighbors", but some analysts dispute that they are genuinely committed to what they state.^[281] According to Department of State's October 1994 report, the MEK used violence in its campaign to overthrow the Iranian regime.^[282] A 2009 U.S. Department of State report stated that their ideology was a blend of Marxism, Islamism and feminism.^[283]

The MEK says it is seeking regime change in Iran through peaceful means with an aim to replace the clerical rule in Iran with a secular government.^[284] It also claims to have disassociated itself from its former revolutionary ideology in favor of liberal democratic values, but they fail to "present any track record to substantiate a capability or intention to be democratic."^[285]

The MEK says it supports a "secular democratic system," where their leader, Maryam Rajavi, calls for a "pluralist system", non-nuclear Iran, human rights and freedom of expression, separation of government and religion, and end to Sharia law.^[286]

Ideological revolution and women's rights

During the transitional period, the MEK projected an image of a "forward looking, radical and progressive Islamic force." Throughout the revolution, the MEK played a major role in developing the "revolutionary Muslim woman," which was portrayed as "the living example of the new ideal of womanhood."^[287] The MEK is "known for its female-led military units."^[288] According to Ervand Abrahamian, the MEK "declared that God had created men and women to be equal in all things: in political and intellectual matters, as well as in legal, economic, and social issues."^[289] According to Tohidi, in 1982, as the government in Tehran led an expansive effort to limit women's rights, the MEK adopted a female leadership. In 1987, the National Liberation Army (NLA), "saw female resistors commanding military operations from their former base at Camp Ashraf (in Diyala, Iraq) to Iran's westernmost provinces, where they engaged alongside the men in armed combat with Iran's regular and paramilitary forces."^[290][291]

Shortly after the revolution, Rajavi married Ashraf Rabii, an MEK member regarded as "the symbol of revolutionary womanhood."^[292] Rabii was killed by Iranian forces in 1982. On 27 January 1985, Massoud Rajavi appointed Maryam Azodanlu as his co-equal leader. The announcement, stated that this would give women equal say within the organization and thereby "would launch a great ideological revolution within Mojahedin, the Iranian public and the whole Muslim World."^[293]

In 1985, Rajavi launched an "ideological revolution" banning marriage and enforced divorce on all members who were required to separate from their spouses.^[32] Five weeks later, the MEK announced that its Politburo and Central Committee had asked Rajavi and Azondalu, who was already married, to marry one another to deepen and pave the way for the "ideological revolution." At the time Maryam Azodanlu was known only as the younger sister of a veteran member, and the wife of Mehdi Abrishamchi. According to the announcement, Maryam Azodanlu and Mehdi Abrishamchi had recently divorced in order to facilitate this 'great revolution.' According to Ervand Abrahamian "in the eyes of traditionalists, particularly among the bazaar middle class, the whole incident was indecent. It smacked of wife-swapping, especially when Abrishamchi announced his own marriage to Khiabani's younger sister. It involved women with young children and wives of close friends – a taboo in traditional Iranian culture;" something that further isolated the Mojahedin and also upset some members of the organization. Also according to Ervand Abrahamian, "the incident was equally outrageous in the eyes of the secularists, especially among the modern intelligentsia. It projected onto the public arena a matter that should have been treated as a private issue between two individuals."^[293] Many criticized Maryam Azodanlu's giving up her own maiden name (something most Iranian women did not do and she herself had not done in her previous marriage). They would question whether this was in line with her claims of being a staunch feminist.^[293]

Maryam Rajavi became increasingly important over feminism-colored politics. The emancipation of women is now depicted in Maryam Rajavi's writings "as both a policy end and a strategy toward revolutionizing Iran. Secularism, democracy, and women's rights are thus today's leading themes in the group's strategic communications. As for Maryam Rajavi's leadership, in 2017 it appears to be political and cultural; any remnants of a military force and interest in terrorist strategies have faded away."^[294]

Cult of personality

The MEK has been described as a "cult" by governments and officials in Iran, the United States,^[295] France,^[296] United Kingdom,^[297] and Iraq.^[298] It has also been described as a cult by numerous academics,^{[299][300][301][55][302]} by former MEK members who defected,^[303][304] and by journalists who visited MEK camps in Iraq.^[305][306] Some sources argue that the Iranian government exploits such allegations to demonize the MEK.^{[307][308][309]} According to a RAND Corporation report for the US government, the MEK had "many of the typical characteristics of a cult, such as authoritarian control, confiscation of assets, sexual control (including mandatory divorce and celibacy), emotional isolation, forced labour, sleep deprivation, physical abuse and limited exit options."^[32]

After a major defeat in 1990, MEK leadership ordered all couples to divorce and send away their children.^[310][32] Members were then forbidden from re-marrying or having relationships and not allowed to see their children.^{[311][312][310]} Critics often describe the MEK as the "cult of Rajavi,"^[193][313] arguing that it revolves around the husband-and-wife duo, Maryam and Massoud Rajavi,^[193][313] to whom members must give "near-religious devotion."^[314] Members reportedly had to participate in regular "ideological cleansings."^[315] According to RAND, members were lured in through "false promises of employment, land, aid in applying for asylum in Western countries" and then prevented from leaving.^[314] Masoud Banisadr, a vocal former member, suggested that the MEK had become a cult in order to survive.^[316][317]

Subsidiaries

Alongside its central organization, the PMOI has a political wing, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), established in 1981 with the stated goal of uniting the opposition to the Iranian government under one umbrella organization. The organization has the appearance of a broad-based coalition, but analysts consider NCRI and MEK to be synonymous and recognize the NCRI as an only "nominally independent" political wing of the PMOI.^{[19][318][319][320]} In 2002 the FBI reported that the NCRI has always been "an integral part" of the MEK and its "political branch."^[321]

The PMOI also historically maintained a dedicated armed wing known as the National Liberation Army of Iran (NLA) that was established in 1987 to serve as an infantry force and coordinate the different militant groups members of the NCRI.^[156] It was formally disbanded in 2003 during the Iraq war.^[322]

Membership

Before the Iran-Iraq war, the MEK was estimated to have about 2,000 members, peaking at 10,000 to 15,000 during the 1980s.^{[lower-alpha 7]} In the 2000s, the organization had between 5,000 and 10,000 members, with 2,900 to 3,400 at Camp Ashraf.^{[lower-alpha 2]} In February 2020, the MEK claimed to have 2500 members in its Albania camp (§ Settlement in Albania (2016–present)); a New York Times reporter visiting the camp estimated 200 people were present over two days.^[118]

Fundraising

In 2004, a report by the US weapons inspector Charles Duelfer claimed that Saddam Hussein provided millions of dollars from the United Nations' Oil-for-Food program to the MEK.^{[68][66][327]}

In Germany, the MEK used a NGO to "support asylum seekers and refugees." Another alleged organization collected funds for "children whose parents had been killed in Iran" in sealed and stamped boxes placed in city centers. According to the Nejat Society, in 1988, the Nuremberg MEK front organization was uncovered by police. Initially, The Greens supported these organizations while it was unaware of their purpose.^[69]

In 1999, United States authorities arrested 29 individuals in Operation Eastern Approach,^[183] of whom 15 were held on charges of helping MEK members illegally enter the US.^[184] The ringleader pleaded guilty to providing phony documents to MEK members and violation of Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996.^[185][186]

The MEK also operated a UK-based charity, Iran Aid, which claimed to raise money for Iranian refugees. In 2001, the Charity Commission for England and Wales closed it down after finding no "verifiable links between the money donated by the British public [approximately £5 million annually] and charitable work in Iran."^{[70][285][328]}

In December 2001, a joint FBI-Cologne police operation discovered what a 2004 report calls "a complex fraud scheme involving children and social benefits," involving the sister of Maryam Rajavi.^[329] The High Court ruled to close several MEK compounds after investigations revealed that the organization fraudulently collected between $5 million and $10 million in social welfare benefits for children of its members sent to Europe.^[70]

In 2003, General Intelligence and Security Service (AIVD) claimed that Netherlands charity that raises money for "children who suffer under the Iranian regime" (SIM (Dutch: Stichting Solidariteit met Iraanse Mensen)) was fundraising for the MEK. A spokesperson for the charity said that SIM was unrelated to the MEK and that these allegations were "lies from the Iranian regime."^[170]

As RAND Corporation policy reported, MEK supporters seek donations at public places, often showing "gruesome pictures" of human rights victims in Iran and claiming to raise money for them but funneling it to MEK.^[70] A 2004 report by Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) states that the organization is engaged "through a complex international money laundering operation that uses accounts in Turkey, Germany, France, Belgium, Norway, Sweden, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates."^[329]

On 19 November 2004, two front organizations called the Iranian–American Community of Northern Virginia and the Union Against Fundamentalism organized demonstrations in front of the Capitol building in Washington, DC and transferred funds for the demonstration, some $9,000 to the account of a Texas MEK member. Congress and the bank in question were not aware that the demonstrators were actually providing material support to the MEK.^[285]

Intelligence capabilities

During the years MEK was based in Iraq, it was closely associated with the intelligence service Mukhabarat (IIS),^[330][331] and even had a dedicated department in the agency. Directorate 14 of the IIS worked with the MEK in joint operations while Directorate 18 was exclusively responsible for the MEK and issued the orders and tasks for their operations.^[332][333] The MEK offered IIS with intelligence it gathered from Iran, interrogation and translation services.^[334]

A 2008 report by the United States Army Intelligence Center, states that the MEK operates a HUMINT network within Iran, which is "clearly a MEK core strength." It has started a debate among intelligence experts that "whether western powers should leverage this capability to better inform their own intelligence picture of the Iranian regime's goals and intentions."^[335] Rick Francona told Foreign Policy in 2005 that the MEK teams could work in conjunction with collection of intelligence and identifying agents. U.S. security officials maintain that the organization has a record of exaggerating or fabricating information, according to Newsweek. David Kay believes that "they're often wrong, but occasionally they give you something."^[336]

American government sources told Newsweek in 2005 that the Pentagon is hoping to utilize MEK members as informants or give them training as spies for use against Tehran.^[337]

The MEK is able to conduct "telephone intelligence" operations effectively, i.e. gathering intelligence through making phone calls to officials and government organizations in Iran.^[338] According to Ariane Tabatabai, the MEK's "capabilities to conduct terrorist attacks may have decreased in recent years."^[339]

Propaganda and social media

The MEK's first act of counter-propaganda was to release about 2014 Iranian prisoners of war within a period of 9 months. It started on 11 March 1986 when the NLA released 370 prisoners of war. They then released 170 prisoners of war in November 1987 that had been captured by the NLA. A third wave of 1300 prisoners of war were released in August 1988, with some joining the NLA ranks. During the last release, Massoud Rajavi promoted it this as an act of compassion by the NCRI, which was in contrast to the Islamic Republic's "cruel manner of treating" prisoners of war.^[54] According to Wilfried Buchta, the MEK has used propaganda in the West since the 1980s.^[340] In the 1980s and the 1990s, their propaganda was mainly targeted against the officials in the establishment.^[294] According to Anthony H. Cordesman, since the mid-1980s the MEK has confronted Iranian representatives overseas through "propaganda and street demonstrations."^[341] Other analysts have also alleged that there is a propaganda campaign by the MEK in the West, including Christopher C. Harmon^[342] and Wilfried Buchta,^[343] and others.^[344]

According to Kenneth Katzman, the MEK is able to mobilize its exile supporters in demonstration and fundraising campaigns. The organization attempts to publicize regime abuses and curb foreign governments' relations with Tehran. To do so, it frequently conducts anti-regime marches and demonstrations in those countries.^[61]

A 1986 U.S. State Department letter to KSCI-TV described "MEK propaganda" as being in line with the following: "[T]he Iranian government is bad, the PMOI is against the Iranian government, the Iranian government represses the PMOI, therefore, the PMOI and its leader Rajavi are good and worth of support."^[345] According to Masoud Kazemzadeh, the MEK has also used propaganda against defectors of the organization.^[346]

Al Jazeera reported on an alleged Twitter-based MEK campaign. According to Exeter University lecturer Marc Owen Jones, accounts tweeting #FreeIran and #Iran_Regime_Change "were created within about a four-month window," suggesting bot activity.^[347]

In an article published by The Intercept on 9 June 2019, two former MEK members claimed that "Heshmat Alavi" is not a real person, and that the articles published under that name were actually written by a team of people at the political wing of MEK. Alavi contributed to several media outlets including Forbes, The Diplomat, The Hill, The Daily Caller, The Federalist and the English edition of Al Arabiya's website. According to The Intercept, one of Alavi's articles published by Forbes was used by the White House to justify Donald Trump Administration's sanctions against Iran.^[348] Since the article's publication, Twitter has suspended the "Heshmat Alavi" account, and the writings in the name of "Heshmat Alavi" were removed from The Diplomat and Forbes' website.^[348] A website purported to be a personal blog of "Heshmat Alavi" published a post with counterclaims saying that their Twitter account had been suspended.^[348][349]

Assignment of designation

The countries and organizations below have officially listed MEK as a terrorist organization:

Currently listed by	Iran	Designated by the current government[350] since 1981, also during Pahlavi dynasty[351] until 1979
	Iraq	Designated by the post-2003 government[235][352]
Formerly listed by	United States	Designated on 8 July 1997, delisted on 28 September 2012[353]
	United Kingdom	Designated on 28 March 2001,[353] delisted on 24 June 2008[353]
	European Union	Designated in May 2002,[353] delisted on 26 January 2009[353]
	Japan	Designated on 5 July 2002,[354] delisted on 24 March 2013[355]
	Canada	Designated on 24 May 2005,[356] delisted on 20 December 2012[357]
Other designations	Australia	Not designated as terrorist but added to the 'Consolidated List' subject to the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373 on 21 December 2001[358]
	United Nations	The group was described as "involved in terrorist activities" by the United Nations Committee against Torture in 2008[64]

In 1997, the United States put the MEK on the U.S. State Department list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations.^[58] The Clinton administration reported the Los Angeles Times that "The inclusion of the People's Mojahedin was intended as a goodwill gesture to Tehran and its newly elected president, Mohammad Khatami."^[359][58]

In 2004, the United States also considered the group as "noncombatants" and "protected persons" under the Geneva Conventions.^[360] In 2002, the European Union, pressured by Washington, added MEK to its terrorist list.^[361] In 2009, the U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice denied the MEK its request to be delisted,^[362] and MEK leaders then began a lobbying campaign to be removed from the list by promoting the group as a viable opposition to the clerical regime in Iran.^[32]

The MEK after the US invasion of Iraq tried to remove the group from the U.S. State Department list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations and consequently turning it into a legitimate actor.^[363][26]

In 2012, Seymour Hersh reported names of former U.S. officials paid to speak in support of MEK, including former CIA directors James Woolsey and Porter Goss; New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani; former Vermont Governor Howard Dean; former Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation Louis Freeh and former U.N. Ambassador John Bolton.^[364] The National Council of Resistance of Iran rejected these allegations.^[237]

Removal of designation

The United Kingdom lifted the MEK's designation as a terrorist group in June 2008,^[365] followed by the Council of the European Union on 26 January 2009.^[366][367] It was also lifted in the United States following a decision by U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton^[203] on 21 September 2012 and lastly in Canada on 20 December 2012.^[357]

The Council of the European Union removed the group's terrorist designation following the Court of Justice of the European Union's 2008 censure of France for failing to disclose new alleged evidence of the MEK's terrorism threat.^[366] The EU courts declared that the listing was unlawful because of "serious procedural failures" and lack of evidence connecting the MEK with terrorist activities.^[368] Delisting allowed MEK to pursue tens of millions of dollars in frozen assets^[367] and lobby in Europe for more funds. It also removed the terrorist label from MEK members at Camp Ashraf in Iraq.^[369]

Rudy Giuliani, Newt Gingrich, James T. Conway, Bill Richardson and other American politicians at the MEK event in 2018.

On 28 September 2012, the U.S. State Department formally removed MEK from its official list of terrorist organizations, beating a 1 October deadline in an MEK lawsuit.^[203][370] Secretary of State Clinton said in a statement that the decision was made because the MEK had renounced violence and had cooperated in closing their Iraqi paramilitary base.^[371] It was reported that MEK was removed from the U.S. list of terrorist organizations after intensive lobbying by a bipartisan group of lawmakers.^[118] An official denied that lobbying by well-known figures influenced the decision.^[371][372] Some former U.S. officials vehemently reject the new status and believe the MEK has not changed its ways.^[373]

The MEK advocated to remove itself from the list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations, having paid high-profile officials upwards of $50,000 give speeches calling for delisting.^[374][375] Among them, Rendell who admitted himself being paid to speak in support of the MEK^[376] and Hamilton who said he was paid to "appear on a panel Feb. 19 at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington."^[377] In February 2015, The Intercept published that Bob Menendez, John McCain, Judy Chu, Dana Rohrabacher and Robert Torricelli received campaign contributions from MEK supporters.^[378]

In May 2018, Daniel Benjamin who held office as the Coordinator for Counterterrorism between 2009 and 2012, told The New York Times that the MEK offered him money in exchange for his support.^[379]

Ervand Abrahamian, Shaul Bakhash, Juan Cole and Gary Sick among others, published "Joint Experts' Statement on the Mujahedin-e Khalq" on Financial Times voicing their concerns regarding MEK delisting.^[380] The National Iranian American Council denounced the decision, stating it "opens the door to Congressional funding of the M.E.K. to conduct terrorist attacks in Iran" and "makes war with Iran far more likely."^[203] Iran state television also condemned the delisting of the group, saying that the U.S. considers MEK to be "good terrorists because the U.S. is using them against Iran."^[381]

The campaign to delist the MEK in the European Union counted with Spanish MEP Alejo Vidal-Quadras as one of its lobbyists. Vox, the far-right party he founded, later received funding by the National Council of Resistance of Iran. The party received almost €1 million between December 2013 and April 2014.^[382]

Position on the Israel–Palestinian conflict

Initially, the MEK used to criticize the Pahlavi dynasty for allying with Israel and Apartheid South Africa,^[392] calling them racist states and demanding cancellation of all political and economic agreements with them.^[393] The MEK opposed Israeli–Palestinian peace process^[394] and was anti-Zionist.^[395]

The MEK's Central Cadre established contact with the Palestinie Liberation Organization (PLO), by sending emissaries to Paris, Dubai, and Qatar to meet PLO officials.^[396] On 3 August 1972, they bombed the Jordanian embassy as a means to avenge King Hussein's unleashing his troops on the PLO in 1970.^[397]

Relations with the United States

In the late 1970s, the intelligentsia as a class in Iran was distinctly nationalistic and anti-imperialistic. The MEK had impeccable nationalistic credentials, calling for the nationalization of foreign companies and economic independence from the capitalist world, and praising writers such as Al-e Ahmad, Saedi and Shariati for being "anti-imperialist".^[398] Rajavi in his presidential campaign after revolution used to warn against what he called the "imperialist danger."^[121] The matter was so fundamental to MEK that it criticized the Iranian government on that basis, accusing the Islamic Republic of "capitulation to imperialism" and being disloyal to democracy that according to Rajavi was the only means to "safeguard from American imperialism."^[399]

After exile, the MEK sought the support of prominent politicians, academics and human rights lawyers. Rajavi tried to reach as broad a Western public as possible by giving frequent interviews to Western newspapers. In these interviews, Rajavi toned down the issues of imperialism, foreign policy, and social revolution. Instead, he stressed the themes of democracy, political liberties, political pluralism, human rights, respect for 'personal property,' the plight of political prisoners, and the need to end the senseless war.^[400]

In January 1993, President-elect Clinton wrote a private letter to the Massoud Rajavi, in which he set out his support for the organization.^[401] The organization has also received support United States officials including Tom Ridge, Howard Dean, Michael Mukasey, Louis Freeh, Hugh Shelton, Rudy Giuliani, John Bolton, Bill Richardson, James L. Jones, and Edward G. Rendell.^[402][403]

As Mukasey mentioned in The New York Times, in 2011 he had received $15,000 to $20,000 to present a lecture about "MEK-related events," as well as what he listed as "a foreign agent lobbying pro bono for MEK's political arm."^[404]

Some politicians have declared receiving payment for supporting the MEK, but others support the group without payment.^{[405][55][406]}

Targeting of MEK members outside Iran

From 1989 to 1993, the Islamic Republic of Iran carried out numerous assassinations of MEK members. Between March and June 1990, three MEK members were assassinated in Turkey. On 24 February 1990, Dr Kazem Rajavi (a National Council member) was assassinated in Geneva. In January 1993, an MEK member was murdered in Baghdad.^[54]

On 23 September 1991, an attempt was carried out to assassinate Massoud Rajavi in Baghdad. In August 1992, a MEK member was kidnapped and brought to Iran. In September 1992, MEK offices in Baghdad were broken into. In January 1993, a MEK bus was bombed without casualties. Towards the end of 1993, anonymous gunmen attacked Air France offices and the French embassy in Iran after France allowed Maryam Rajavi and 200 MEK members to enter France.^[54]

In March 1993, the NCRI's spokesman was murdered in Italy. In May 1990, a MEK member was murdered in Cologne. In February 1993, a MEK member was murdered in Manila. In April 1992, a MEK member was murdered in the Netherlands. In August 1992, a MEK member was murdered in Karachi. In March 1993, two assassins on motorcycles murdered NCRI representative Mohammad Hossein Naqdi in Italy.^[430] This led to the European Parliament issuing a condemnation of the Islamic Republic of Iran for political murder.^[54]

The Iranian regime is also believed to be responsible for killing NCR representative in 1993, and Massoud Rajavi's brother in 1990. The MEK claims that in 1996 a shipment of Iranian mortars was intended for use by Iranian agents against Maryam Rajavi.^[420] In May 1994, Islamic Republic agents assassinated two MEK members in Iraq. In May 1995, five MEK members were assassinated in Iraq. In 1996, two MEK members were murdered in Turkey (including NCRI member Zahra Rajabi); in the same year two MEK members were killed in Pakistan and another one in Iraq.^{[54][431][432][433]}

Inside Iran

After the 1979 Iranian revolution, the MEK gained significant support from the Iranian public, becoming the most popular dissident group.^[434][118] However, after becoming more violent and siding with Saddam Hussein's Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War the MEK's standing inside Iran diminished.^{[435][436][437][438][439][23]}

Inside Iran, the strength of the MEK is uncertain since many of its supporters have been executed, tortured, or jailed.^[440][54] Karim Sadjadpour believes the MEK is a "fringe group with mysterious benefactors" with a negligible amount of supporters in Iran.^[404] Kenneth Katzman wrote in 2001 that the MEK is "Iran's most active opposition group".^[19] A 2009 report published by the Brookings Institution notes that the organization appears to be undemocratic and lacking popularity but maintains an operational presence in Iran, acting as a proxy against Tehran.^[441] The group has been described as Iran's main political opposition group.^[442][443]

The Iranian government consistently refers to the organization with this derogatory name monafiqeen (Persian: منافقین, lit. 'the hypocrites'). The term is derived from the Quran, which describes it as people of "two minds" who "say with their mouths what is not in their hearts" and "in their hearts is a disease".^[444]

While Khomeini and the MEK had allied against the Shah, Khomeini "disliked the MEK's philosophy, which combined Marxist theories of social evolution and class struggle with a view of Shiite Islam that suggested Shiite clerics had misinterpreted Islam and had been collaborators with the ruling class",^[114] and by mid-1980, clerics close to Khomeini were openly referring to the MEK as "monafeghin", "kafer", and "elteqatigari".^[445] The MEK in turn accused Khomeini and the clerics of "monopolizing power", "hijacking the revolution", "trampling over democratic rights", and "plotting to set up a fascistic one-party dictatorship".^[27]

By other Iranian opposition parties

The group kept a friendly relationship with the only other major Iranian urban guerrilla group, the Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (OIPFG).^[277] An October 1994 report by the U.S. Department of State notes that other Iranian opposition groups do not cooperate with the organization because they view it as "undemocratic" and "tightly controlled" by its leaders.^[446] In 1994 rival exiled groups question the organizations's claim that it would hold free elections after taking power in Iran, pointing to its designation of a "president-elect" as an evidence of neglecting Iranian people.^[446]

Due to its anti-Shah stance before the revolution, the MEK is not close to monarchist opposition groups and Reza Pahlavi, Iran's deposed crown prince.^[446] Commenting on the MEK, Pahlavi said in an interview: "I cannot imagine Iranians ever forgiving their behavior at that time [siding with Saddam Hussein's Iraq in the Iran-Iraq war]. [...] If the choice is between this regime and the MEK, they will most likely say the mullahs".^[447]

Iran's deposed president Abolhassan Banisadr ended his alliance with the group in 1984, denouncing its stance during the Iran–Iraq War.^[446]

The National Resistance Movement of Iran (NAMIR), led by Shapour Bakhtiar, never maintained a friendly relationship with the MEK. In July 1981, NAMIR rejected any notion of cooperation between the two organizations and publicly condemned them in a communiqué issued following the meeting between Iraqi Foreign Minister, Tariq Aziz and Rajavi in January 1983 as well as the "Holy and Revolutionary" nature of Rajavis in April 1984.^[448]