Early life and background

Staurakios was born in the early 790s, probably between 791 and 793, to Nikephoros I and an unknown woman.^{[1][2][3][lower-alpha 1]} The historian J. B. Bury stated that he was likely younger than his sister Prokopia.^[2] Staurakios was named after his paternal grandfather.^[4] His father was likely the same Nikephoros as the one who had been strategos of the Armeniac Theme before being deposed for supporting Empress Irene (r. 797–802).^[5] He was also possibly logothetēs tou genikou (finance minister) at the time of Staurakios' birth,^[1][6][5] as he achieved this rank by 797.^[4] Nikephoros revolted against Irene on 31 October 802 AD, and seized the throne for himself,^[6][5] exiling Irene to a convent on the island of Principo.^[5] Treadgold comments that this was "a bloodless and relatively harmonious transfer of power", and that while Nikephoros seized the throne from Irene, he did not displace her regime, but rather usurped it for himself.^[5] Staurakios was around 10–12 years old at the time Nikephoros became emperor.^[1][6] At the beginning of his rule, Nikephoros had strong support from the bureaucracy, and superficially positive relations with the army and clergy.^[4]

Treadgold suggests that Nikephoros had witnessed "a good deal of financial mismanagement" before he seized power, but was unable to prevent it at that time. Indeed, one of his first acts as emperor was to seize control of a secret treasury reserve from Irene. Soon after, he took measures to increase the treasury, such as canceling tribute payments to the Abbasid Caliphate, an "exorbitant and humiliating payment", accepting the risk of war. Later, he ended the suspension of urban tariffs and estate taxes that Irene had implemented. Treadgold comments that the suspension of Irene's popular fiscal policies was bold, and risked reducing his own popularity, but that Nikephoros must have considered them too expensive to continue, and was aware that the capital was relatively undertaxed compared to the rest of the empire.^[7] He took similar efforts to tackle the issue of corruption, founding a new court where he heard complaints levied by the poor against the elites.^[8] While his supporters praised him for championing the poor, opponents declaimed him for his measures against the wealthy. Some of these opponents also alleged greed, but Treadgold comments that this likely referred to the effort Nikephoros put into collecting revenues, as the man himself was famously austere.^[9]

Reign as co-emperor

Staurakios was not given an official government position upon his father's accession to the throne, but, in the summer of 803, a general named Bardanes Tourkos revolted against Nikephoros, prompting a change of course.^[1][2] Originally strategos of the Thracesian Theme, Nikephoros had consolidated the five major themes of Asia Minor —Anatolic, Armeniac, Bucellarian, Opsikion, and Thracesian — under Bardanes' control as monostrategos of the combined area.^[4] When the Abbasid Caliphate began preparations for an attack that summer, Nikephoros was unable to take command due to an injury sustained in May, the role fell to Bardanes, who advanced his troops and began preparations. There, his troops grumbled over Nikephoros' financial policies, which included the reinstatement of the estate tax on soldiers; by comparison, Bardanes was considered to be very charitable in dividing war spoils, and thus they declared him emperor on July 19.^[9] Treadgold comments that although the rebellion theoretically commanded nearly half of the army, Bardanes seemed to lack the commitment to become emperor, and soon discussed terms with Nikephoros, who swore not to harm Bardanes or his soldiers if Bardanes would surrender and enter the monastery, which Bardanes did in early September.^[10] Although Nikephoros abided by his pledge not to harm the surrendered men, he did seize a significant amount of money and property from the leaders of the rebellion, and fined four of the themes a year of salary,^[11] and exiling some bishops to the remote island of Pantelleria, near Sicily.^[12] Nikephoros soon negotiated a moderate deal with the Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid, including a small tribute payment.^[13]

Although his revolt was put down by early September, it convinced Nikephoros to consolidate his hold on the throne and secure the succession, by declaring Staurakios co-emperor and heir, which he did on Christmas Day of 803.^[1][14] Staurakios was crowned by the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople Tarasios in the Hagia Sophia.^[15][16] By making Staurakios emperor, Nikephoros removed any question of the imperial succession and increased his own legitimacy—although Staurakios, now somewhere between the ages of 11 and 13, was not yet old enough to actually exercise power.^[1][14] The contemporary chronicler Theophanes the Confessor stated that Staurakios was "completely unfit in appearance, strength, and judgment for such an honor", but this is likely a reflection of Theophanes' own animosity toward Nikephoros and Staurakios.^[17] While opponents of Nikephoros decried Staurakios as sickly, Treadgold comments that any health issues he may have had did not prevent later participation in military campaigns; opponents also presented his obedience to his father as a failing.^[14]

Another solidus of Staurakios as co-emperor

When Tarasios died in 806, Nikephoros selected a man named Nikephoros, who was residing in a monastery, to succeed him. For the installation ceremony of Nikephoros as patriarch, where the new patriarch was tonsured, Staurakios was sent to represent his father.^[18] That same year, the Byzantine Empire faced a massive invasion from the Abbasid Caliphate, which forced Nikephoros to accept humiliating peace terms,^[19][20] paying an annual tribute of 30,000 nomismata and six great gold medals,^[20] three for Nikephoros and three for Staurakios.^[21]

Except for the installation ceremony of Patriarch Nikephoros, Staurakios is not mentioned in the sources until 807,^[22][23][18] when his father arrange Staurakios' marriage, and thus held an imperial bride show to select a wife on 20 December 807.^[22][23] This was the second recorded Byzantine bride show, after the one held by Constantine VI (r. 780–797) by his mother, Empress Irene.^[24] During the bride show, Theophano of Athens was selected, likely due to the fact that she was a kinswoman of Irene,^[25] and therefore would help add legitimacy to both Nikephoros' and Staurakios' rule.^[1][22][23] According to Theophanes, she was chosen despite the fact that she was already engaged to a man, whom she had slept with premaritally, and was not the most beautiful of the women presented at the bride show.^{[1][22][lower-alpha 2]} Staurakios and Theophano married that same month.^[3]

After his marriage, Staurakios is not mentioned again until 811, when Nikephoros prepared his invasion of the Bulgarian Khanate in May of that year. The Bulgarians had been a serious threat to the empire since the reign of Constantine IV (r. 668–685), who launched a calamitous attack against them. Tensions rose between 808 and 811, resulting in outright warfare. Nikephoros led the campaign over the Balkan Mountains and into the Bulgarian Khanate alongside Staurakios, who by now was in his late teens,^[27] and many senior imperial officials. The campaign saw great success at first, with the Byzantine forces attacking the Bulgarian capital of Pliska, defeating first the 12,000-strong garrison of the city, and then a relief force of 15,000 sent by Khan Krum (r. 803–814). In correspondence sent to Constantinople, Nikephoros credited his success to the strategic advice of Staurakios. The victorious Byzantine forces began to march back to the Byzantine Empire, but a desperate Krum managed to trap the Byzantine army in a small valley with palisades, before launching a massive assault two days later, on 26 July 811. The Battle of Pliska resulted in a Bulgarian massacre of the Byzantine forces. Much of the Byzantine army was destroyed, and Nikephoros himself was slain.^[1][22]

Rule as sole emperor

Staurakios (above) retreats with his remaining forces, while Nikephoros I (below) captured by the Bulgarians. Miniature from the 14th century Manasses Chronicle.

The remaining Byzantine forces, including a severely wounded Staurakios, retreated to Adrianople over three days.^[1] Staurakios' spine had been severed during the battle, which along with his demonstrated lack of ability, led the uninjured influential figures in the empire to consider the issue of Nikephoros' successor. Chiefly they were three who had traveled with Nikephoros and Staurakios, the magistros (lit. Master of Offices, by this time honorific) Theoktistos, the Domestic of the Schools Stephanos, and Nikephoros' son-in-law, the kouropalates (high-ranking court official) Michael Rhangabe. The severity of Staurakios' wounds led to speculation as to whether he would live, although eventually those assembled judged he would make the best candidate, as the legitimate successor, and declared him emperor.^[1][28] The historian George Ostrogorsky comments that this was done "in strict conformity with the principle of legitimacy", and that the final settlement of the succession was to take place in Constantinople, where Staurakios would crown his successor.^[29] This was the first time a Byzantine emperor was installed outside of Constantinople, due to the urgency of the situation.^[30]

Staurakios gave a speech to the surviving troops, where he insulted Nikephoros' military judgment, before being acclaimed by the army c. 28 July 811.^[1][31] Bury conjectures the date was 28 July 811, based upon Theophanes' account that his reign lasted for two months and six days, but other sources give the reign as two months and eight days.^[32] The historian Christian Laes comments that it is difficult to assess the condition that Staurakios was in, and how he was able to deliver his virulent speech.^[30]

Almost immediately after Staurakios acceded to the throne, Michael was pressured to usurp it, due to the legitimacy granted to him by his marriage to Staurakios' sister Prokopia and his military abilities. Theoktistos and others attempted to convince Michael to take the throne, although he repeatedly refused at this time,^[33] citing an oath of loyalty he had made to both Nikephoros and Staurakios, as well as his family ties to Staurakios via his marriage to Prokopia.^[34] The historians Edward Foord and George Finlay comment that the army seemed willing to stand by Staurakios, but for his mortal wounds posing a threat to the succession of the empire,^[35][36] and the enemies that had been made by the severe fiscal policies of Nikephoros. As Finlay argues, a change in administration implied a change of emperor, causing many who would profit from a change of ruler to support Michael.^[37]

Staurakios was brought by litter to Constantinople. By this time, it had been discovered that he had blood in his urine, and was paralyzed from the waist down. In spite of his ill health, Staurakios endeavored to assert his authority,^[38] including rebuffing the attempts of the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople, Nikephoros I, to have funds that Nikephoros had collected returned to the church.^[1] Laes comments that "Possibly, a link between Staurakios’ bad condition and his father’s sins was thus established" by Patriarch Nikephoros' insistence that Staurakios placate God and compensate those who his father had harmed.^[30]

The severity of his injury, and the lack of any children to nominate as heirs led to a debate about who would succeed him, as his impending death was considered a certainty.^[1] Ostrogorsky comments that an interregnum was seen as particularly undesirable due to the imminent danger from the Abbasid Caliphate and the Bulgarian Khanate, and that a return to normality was therefore essential. The delay of Staurakios in selecting a successor caused passionate dispute within the capital.^[39] Staurakios' sister Prokopia backed her husband Michael, while Empress Theophano was put forth as a candidate for the succession; she may have hoped to take the throne the same way her kinswoman Irene had.^[40] The only proof of such intrigues given by contemporary historians comes from records that Staurakios became hostile to Theoktistos and Michael, which would suggest he was aware of their plottings, and that he suspected Prokopia of conspiring to kill him.^[1][33] Staurakios reportedly wavered between two possible options for his succession. The first, to make Theophano empress-regnant, and the second, attested in a ninth-century chronicle, to institute a form of imperial democracy. Bury dismisses the second option as the machinations of Staurakios' addled brain, and furthermore questions the authenticity of the report.^[41] The historian Aikaterina Christophilopoulou argued that Bury's narrative of an imperial democracy stems from a misunderstanding of a passage from Theophanes.^[1][42] Instead, the proper reading seems to be that Staurakios feared that crowning his wife might lead to a civil war, or the empowering of the chariot factions.^[39] After hearing of the options Staurakios was considering, Patriarch Nikephoros began to align himself with Stephanos, Theoktistos, and Michael. Afraid of the possibility of a public uprising due to the lack of an heir, Staurakios declared Theophano his successor.^{[1][43][34][44]} This decision united the chief leaders and officials of the Byzantine Empire behind Michael, as they did not desire to return to the uncertainty which had pervaded Irene's rule, due to her ruling despite being a woman.^[1][34][44]

The tonsure of Staurakios and Theophano, illustrated in the 16th century Chronicle of Ivan IV of Russia

On 1 October 811, Staurakios summoned Stephanos, whom he trusted likely because Stephanos was the first to proclaim Staurakios emperor. He proposed blinding Michael, unaware that Stephanos supported him. Stephanos assured Staurakios of the strength of his position, and dissuaded him from having Michael blinded, saying he was too well protected to attempt it.^[1][45] Stephanos, after swearing he would not reveal the discussion to anyone else, organized a coup to bring Michael to power.^[1][46] Stephanos gathered the remaining tagmatic forces and senate at the Great Palace of Constantinople, and declared Michael emperor. Michael first proposed that future emperor Leo V the Armenian (r. 813–820) take the throne, but agreed to accept the crown himself when Leo promised to support him.^[34] Michael gained the full support of Patriarch Nikephoros by forging an agreement wherein he promised to uphold Orthodoxy, to not persecute Christians, or use violence against clergy or monks.^[34][47] At dawn on the morning of 2 October, Michael was publicly proclaimed emperor in the Hippodrome of Constantinople,^[1][34][46] and crowned a few hours later by Patriarch Nikephoros, at the pulpit of the Hagia Sophia.^[34][39] Upon hearing of this, Staurakios hastened to abdicate, fearing his execution otherwise;^[1][34][46] his reign was one of the shortest in Byzantine history.^[1] Staurakios summoned his relative, the monk Simeon, and was tonsured and dressed in monastic garb.^[1][48] Staurakios also sent a letter of protest to Patriarch Nikephoros for his role in the coup d’état; Nikephoros answered in person, writing alongside Michael and Prokopia, and assured Staurakios that he had not betrayed him, but rather protected him. Staurakios was unimpressed and informed the Patriarch that "you will not find him [Michael] a better friend", meaning that Michael would not be more useful to Nikephoros than Staurakios himself had been.^[1][41][49]

The Byzantine Empire (green) shortly after the end of the reign of Staurakios, in 814 AD

Staurakios lived another three months before dying of gangrene on 11 January 812. He was buried in the Monastery of Braka, which was given to Theophano by Prokopia.^[1][50][51] There were allegations that he was poisoned by his sister Prokopia, rather than dying of gangrene, reported by the Syriac sources—the Chronicle of 813 and Michael the Syrian—and the chronicle of the Petros of Alexandria. Theophanes considered these rumors possible and mentions that Theophano herself considered these rumors to be true.^[3] According to the De Ceremoniis, a 10th-century book describing Byzantine courtly protocol and history written by Constantine VII, Staurakios was buried in a white marble sarcophagus that would later be shared with Theophano.^[3][52]

Notes

Primary sources

Citations

Bibliography

• Bury, J. B. (1912). A History of the Eastern Roman Empire: From the Fall of Irene to the Accession of Basil I (A.D. 802–867). New York: Cosimo, Inc. ISBN 978-1-60520-421-5.
• Christophilopoulou, Aikaterina (1993). Byzantine History. Vol. 2. Amsterdam: A.M. Hakkert. ISBN 978-9025610449.
• Finlay, George (1854). History of the Byzantine and Greek Empires from 716 to 1453. Edinburgh: Blackwood. OCLC 1040899831.
• Foord, Edward (1911). The Byzantine Empire. London: A. and C. Black. OCLC 567936732.
• Garland, Lynda (1999), Byzantine Empresses: Women and Power in Byzantium, AD 527–1204, New York; London: Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-14688-3
• Grierson, Philip (1973). Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, Volume 3, Leo III to Nicephorus III, 717–1081. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. ISBN 978-0884020455.
• Grierson, Philip (1962). "The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337–1042)". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 16. doi:10.2307/1291157. JSTOR 1291157.
• Jenkins, Romilly J. H. (1993). Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, AD 610–1071. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 1-56619-176-9.
• Herrin, Judith (2002) [2001]. Women in Purple: Rulers of Medieval Byzantium. London: Phoenix Press. ISBN 1-84212-529-X.
• Kazhdan, Alexander, ed. (1991). The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504652-8.
• Laes, Christian (2019). "Power, Infirmity and 'Disability'. Five Case Stories on Byzantine Emperors and Their Impairments". Euroslavica. LXXVII (1–2). ISSN 0007-7712. Retrieved 14 September 2022.
• Lawler, Jennifer (2004). Encyclopedia of the Byzantine Empire. Jefferson: McFarland. ISBN 978-1-4766-0929-4.
• Lilie, Ralph-Johannes; Ludwig, Claudia; Pratsch, Thomas; Zielke, Beate (2013). "Staurakios". Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit Online. Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Nach Vorarbeiten F. Winkelmanns erstellt (in German). Berlin and Boston: De Gruyter.
• Martindale, J. R. (2001). Prosopography of the Byzantine Empire I, 641–867. Aldershot: Ashgate. ISBN 978-0754606130.
• Marsh, Matthew (2013). "Staurakios (A. D. 811)". De Imperatoribus Romanis. Newport. Archived from the original on 1 August 2019. Retrieved 1 August 2019.
• Ostrogorsky, George (1956). History of the Byzantine State. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-813-51198-6.
• Treadgold, Warren (1997). A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-2630-6.
• Treadgold, Warren (1988). The Byzantine Revival, 780–842. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-1462-4.
• Vrij, Maria (7 December 2021). "Dropping the Base: Why Does Follis Production at Constantinople Appear to Cease for 24 Years between 842–866?". Eurasian Studies. 19 (1): 5–28. doi:10.1163/24685623-12340107. Retrieved 14 September 2022.

Further reading

• Bosworth, C. E., ed. (1989). The History of al-Ṭabarī, Volume XXX: The ʿAbbāsid Caliphate in Equilibrium: The Caliphates of Mūsā al-Hādī and Hārūn al-Rashīd, A.D. 785–809/A.H. 169–192. SUNY Series in Near Eastern Studies. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-0-88706-564-4.
• Brooks, E. W. (1923). "Chapter V. (A) The Struggle with the Saracens (717–867)". The Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. IV: The Eastern Roman Empire (717–1453). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 119–138.
• Mango, Cyril; Scott, Roger (1997). The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine and Near Eastern History, AD 284–813. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-822568-7.
• Venning, Timothy; Harris, Jonathan (2006). A Chronology of the Byzantine Empire. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-50586-5.