Merseburg Incantations manuscript (Merseburger Domstiftsbibliothek, Codex 136, f. 85r, 10th Cy.)

The Merseburg charms or Merseburg incantations (German: die Merseburger Zaubersprüche) are two medieval magic spells, charms or incantations, written in Old High German. They are the only known examples of Germanic pagan belief preserved in the language. They were discovered in 1841 by Georg Waitz,[1] who found them in a theological manuscript from Fulda, written in the 9th century,[2] although there remains some speculation about the date of the charms themselves. The manuscript (Cod. 136 f. 85a) is stored in the library of the cathedral chapter of Merseburg, hence the name.

History

The Merseburg Charms were entered on the flyleaf (here right) of a sacramentary, which was later bound into a miscellany with other manuscripts.

The Merseburg charms are the only known surviving relics of pre-Christian, pagan poetry in Old High German literature.[3]

The charms were recorded in the 10th century by a cleric, possibly in the abbey of Fulda, on a blank page of a liturgical book, which later passed to the library at Merseburg. The charms have thus been transmitted in Caroline minuscule on the flyleaf of a Latin sacramentary.

The spells became famous in modern times through the appreciation of Jacob Grimm, who wrote as follows:

Lying between Leipzig, Halle and Jena, the extensive library of the Cathedral Chapter of Merseburg has often been visited and made use of by scholars. All have passed over a codex which, if they chanced to take it up, appeared to offer only well-known church items, but which now, valued according to its entire content, offers a treasure such that the most famous libraries have nothing to compare with it...[4]

The spells were published later by Jacob Grimm in On two newly-discovered poems from the German Heathen Period (1842).

The manuscript of the Merseburg charms was on display until November 2004 as part of the exhibition "Between Cathedral and World - 1000 years of the Chapter of Merseburg," at Merseburg cathedral. They were previously exhibited in 1939.

The texts

Each charm is divided into two parts: a preamble telling the story of a mythological event; and the actual spell in the form of a magic analogy (just as it was before... so shall it also be now...). In their verse form, the spells are of a transitional type; the lines show not only traditional alliteration but also the end-rhymes introduced in the Christian verse of the 9th century.[5]

First Merseburg Charm

"Idise" (1905) by Emil Doepler

The first spell is a "Lösesegen" (blessing of release), describing how a number of "Idisen" freed from their shackles warriors caught during battle.[6] The last two lines contain the magic words "Leap forth from the fetters, escape from the foes" that are intended to release the warriors.

Second Merseburg Charm

"Wodan Heals Balder's Horse" (1905) by Emil Doepler

Phol is with Wodan when Baldur's horse dislocates its foot while he is riding through the forest (holza). Wodan intones the incantation: "Bone to bone, blood to blood, limb to limb, as if they were mended".

Figures that can be clearly identified within Continental Germanic mythology are "Uuôdan" (Wodan) and "Frîia" (Frija). Depictions found on Migration Period Germanic bracteates are often viewed as Wodan (Odin) healing a horse.[9]

Comparing Norse mythology, Wodan is well-attested as the cognate of Odin. Frija is the cognate of Frigg.[10] Balder is Norse Baldr. Phol is possibly the masculine form of Uolla, and, as Grimm suggested, the context makes it clear that it is another name for Balder.[11] Uolla is cognate with Old Norse Fulla, a goddess there also associated with Frigg.[12] Sunna (the personified sun) is in Norse mythology Sól. Sinthgunt is otherwise unattested.[13]

Parallels

The First Merseburg Charm (loosening charm)'s similarity to the anecdote in Bede's Hist. Eccles., IV, 22 ( "How a certain captive's chains fell off when masses were sung for him") has been noted by Jacob Grimm.[16] In this Christianized example, it is the singing of the mass, rather than the chanting of the charm, that effects the release of a comrade (in this case a brother). The unshackled man is asked "whether he had any spells about him, as are spoken of in fabulous stories",[17] which curiously has been translated as "loosening rune (about him)" (Old English: álýsendlícan rune) in the Anglo-Saxon translation of Bede, as has been pointed out by Sophus Bugge. Bugge makes this reference in his edition of the Eddaic poem Grógaldr (1867), in an attempt to justify his emending the phrase "Leifnir's fire (?)" (Old Norse: leifnis elda) into "loosening charm" (Old Norse: leysigaldr) in the context of one of the magic charms that Gróa is teaching to her son.[18] But this is an aggressive emendation of the original text, and its validity as well as any suggestion to its ties to the Merseburg charm is subject to skepticism.[19][lower-alpha 1]

Many analogous magic incantations to the Second Merseburg Charm (horse-healing spell) have been noted. Some paralleling is discernible in other Old German spells, but analogues are particularly abundant in folkloric spells from Scandinavian countries (often preserved in so-called "black books"). Similar charms have been noted in Gaelic, Lettish and Finnish[21] suggesting that the formula is of ancient Indo-European origin. Parallels have also been suggested with Hungarian texts.[22] Some commentators trace the connection back to writings in ancient India.

Other Old High German and Old Saxon spells

Other spells recorded in Old High German or Old Saxon noted for similarity, such as the group of wurmsegen spells for casting out the "Nesso" worm causing the affliction.[16] There are several manuscript recensions of this spell, and Jacob Grimm scrutinizes in particular the so-called "Contra vermes" variant, in Old Saxon[23] from the Cod. Vindob. theol. 259[16] (now ÖNB Cod. 751[24]). The title is Latin:

     Contra vermes (against worms[23])

Gang ût, nesso,       mit nigun nessiklînon,
ût fana themo margę an that bên,       fan themo bêne an that flêsg,
ût fana themo flêsgke an thia hûd,       ût fan thera hûd an thesa strâla.
               Drohtin, uuerthe so![25]

As Grimm explains, the spell tells the nesso worm and its nine young ones to begone, away from the marrow to bone, bone to flesh, flesh to hide (skin), and into the strâla or arrow, which is the implement into which the pest or pathogen is to be coaxed.[16] It closes with the invocation: "Lord (Drohtin), let it be".[23] Grimm insists that this charm, like the De hoc quod Spurihalz dicunt charm (MHG: spurhalz; German: lahm "lame") that immediately precedes it in the manuscript, is "about lame horses again" And the "transitions from marrow to bone (or sinews), to flesh and hide, resemble phrases in the sprain-spells", i.e. the Merseburg horse-charm types.

Scandinavia

Jacob Grimm in his Deutsche Mythologie, chapter 38, listed examples of what he saw as survivals of the Merseburg charm in popular traditions of his time: from Norway a prayer to Jesus for a horse's leg injury, and two spells from Sweden, one invoking Odin (for a horse suffering from a fit or equine distemper[26][lower-alpha 2]) and another invoking Frygg for a sheep's ailment.[16] He also quoted one Dutch charm for fixing a horse's foot, and a Scottish one for the treatment of human sprains that was still practiced in his time in the 19th century (See #Scotland below).

Norway

Grimm provided in his appendix another Norwegian horse spell,[16] which has been translated and examined as a parallel by Thorpe.[26] Grimm had recopied the spell from a tome by Hans Hammond, Nordiska Missions-historie (Copenhagen 1787), pp. 119–120, the spell being transcribed by Thomas von Westen c. 1714.[27] This appears to be the same spell in English as given as a parallel by a modern commentator, though he apparently misattributes it to the 19th century.[28] The texts and translations will be presented side-by-side below:

LII. gegen knochenbruch[29]
Jesus reed sig til Heede,
der reed han syndt sit Folebeen.
Jesus stigede af og lägte det;
Jesus lagde Marv i Marv,
Ben i Ben, Kjöd i Kjöd;
Jesus lagde derpaa et Blad,
At det skulde blive i samme stad.
i tre navne etc.
(Hans Hammond, "Nordiska Missions-historie",
Kjøbenhavn 1787, pp.119, 120)[30]
(= Bang's formula #6)[31]
---
Jesus rode to the heath,
There he rode the leg of his colt in two.
Jesus dismounted and heal'd it;
Jesus laid marrow to marrow,
Bone to bone, flesh to flesh;
Jesus laid thereon a leaf,
That it might remain in the same place.
(Thorpe tr.)
[26]
For a Broken Bone
Jesus himself rode to the heath,
And as he rode, his horse's bone was broken.
Jesus dismounted and healed that:
Jesus laid marrow to marrow,
Bone to bone, flesh to flesh.
Jesus thereafter laid a leaf
So that these should stay in their place.[28][lower-alpha 3]
(in the Three Names, etc.)
(Stone(?) tr.)

The number of Norwegian analogues is quite large, though many are just variations on the theme. Bishop Anton Christian Bang compiled a volume culled from Norwegian black books of charms and other sources, and classified the horse-mending spells under the opening chapter "Odin og Folebenet", strongly suggesting a relationship with the second Merseburg incantation.[32] Bang here gives a group of 34 spells, mostly recorded in the 18th–19th century though two are assigned to the 17th (c. 1668 and 1670),[27] and 31 of the charms[33] are for treating horses with an injured leg. The name for the horse's trauma, which occurs in the titles, is Norwegian: vred in most of the rhymes, with smatterings of raina and bridge (sic.), but they all are essentially synonymous with brigde, glossed as the "dislocation of the limb" [lower-alpha 4] in Aasen's dictionary.[33][34]

From Bishop Bang's collection, the following is a list of specific formulas discussed as parallels in scholarly literature:

It might be pointed out that none of the charms in Bang's chapter "Odin og Folebenet" actually invokes Odin.[lower-alpha 6] The idea that the charms have been Christianized and that the presence of Baldur has been substituted by "The Lord" or Jesus is expressed by Bang in another treatise,[40] crediting communications with Bugge and the work of Grimm in the matter. Jacob Grimm had already pointed out the Christ-Balder identification in interpreting the Merseburg charm; Grimm seized on the idea that in the Norse language, "White Christ (hvíta Kristr)" was a common epithet, just as Balder was known as the "white Æsir-god"[41]

Another strikingly similar "horse cure" incantation is a 20th-century sample that hails the name of the ancient 11th-century Norwegian king Olaf II of Norway. The specimen was collected in Møre, Norway, where it was presented as for use in healing a bone fracture:

Les denne bøna:
Sankt-Olav reid i den
grøne skog,
fekk skade på sin
eigen hestefot.
Bein i bein,
kjøt i kjøt,
hud i hud.
Alt med Guds ord og amen[42]
To Heal a Bone Fracture
Saint Olav rode in
green wood;
broke his little
horse's foot.
Bone to bone,
flesh to flesh,
skin to skin.
In the name of God,
amen.[43]

This example too has been commented as corresponding to the second Merseburg Charm, with Othin being replaced by Saint Olav. [43]

Sweden

Several Swedish analogues were given by Sophus Bugge and by Viktor Rydberg in writings published around the same time (1889). The following 17th-century spell was noted as a parallel to the Merseburg horse charm by both of them:[44][45]

"Mot vred"
(Sörbygdens dombok, 1672)
Vår herre Jesus Kristus och S. Peder de gingo eller rede öfver Brattebro. S. Peders häst fick vre eller skre. Vår herre steg af sin häst med, signa S. Peders häst vre eller skre: blod vid blod, led vid led. Så fick S. Peders häst bot i 3 name o.s.v.
Bugge and Rydberg, after Arcadius (1883)[46]
"Against dislocations"
(court proceeding records for Sörbygden hundred, 1672)
Our Lord Jesus Christ and St. Peter went or rode over Brattebro. St. Peter's horse got (a dislocation or sprain). Our Lord dismounted from His horse, blessed St. Peter's horse (with the dislocation or sprain): blood to blood, (joint to joint). So received St. Peter's horse healing in three names etc. etc.
adapted from Eng. tr. in: Nicolson 1892, Myth and Religion, p.120- and Brenner's German tr. of Bugge (1889)[lower-alpha 7]

Another example (from Kungelf's Dombok, 1629) was originally printed by Arcadius:[47][48]

Vår herre red ad hallen ned. Hans foles fod vrednede ved, han stig aff, lagde leed ved leed, blod ved blod, kiöd ved kiöd, ben ved ben, som vor herre signet folen sin, leedt ind igjen, i naffn, o.s.v.

Rydberg, after Arcadius, (1883) ?[48]

Our Lord rode down to the hall. His foal's foot became sprained, he dismounted, laid joint with joint, blood with blood, sinew with sinew, bone with bone, as our Lord blessed his foal, led in again, in the name of, etc.

A spell beginning "S(anc)te Pär och wår Herre de wandrade på en wäg (from Sunnerbo hundred, Småland 1746) was given originally by Johan Nordlander.[49]

A very salient example, though contemporary to Bugge's time, is one that invokes Odin's name:[50]

A Sign of the Cross incantation (Danish: signeformularer)
(from Jellundtofte socken, Västbo hundred in Småland, 19th century)

Oden rider öfver sten och bärg
han rider sin häst ur vred och i led,
ur olag och i lag, ben till ben, led till led,
som det bäst var, när det helt var.

recorded by Artur Hazelius
communicated to Bugge[45]

Odin rides over rock and hill;
he rides his horse out of dislocation and into realignment
out of disorder and into order, bone to bone, joint to joint,
as it was best, when it was whole.

Denmark

A Danish parallel noted by A. Kuhn[51] is the following:

Imod Forvridning
(Jylland)
Jesus op ad Bierget red;
der vred han sin Fod af Led.
Saa satte han sig ned at signe.
Saa sagde han:
Jeg signer Sener i Sener,
Aarer i Aarer,
Kiød i Kiød,
Og Blod i Blod!
Saa satte han Haanden til Jorden ned,
Saa lægedes hans Fodeled!
I Navnet o.s.v.

Thiele's #530[52]

against dislocations
(from Jutland)
Jesus up the mountain did ride;
sprained his foot in the joint.
He sat down for a blessing,
and so said he:
I bless tendon to tendon
vein to vein,
flesh to flesh,
and blood to blood!
So he set his hand down on the ground below,
and bonded were his joints together!
In the Name, etc.[lower-alpha 8]

Scotland

Grimm also exemplified a Scottish charm (for people, not horses) as a salient remnant of the Merseburg type of charm.[16] This healing spell for humans was practiced in Shetland[53][54] (which has strong Scandinavian ties and where the Norn language used to be spoken). The practice involved tying a "wresting thread" of black wool with nine knots around the sprained leg of a person, and in an inaudible voice pronouncing the following:

The Lord rade and the foal slade;
he lighted and he righted,
set joint to joint,
bone to bone,
and sinew to sinew
Heal in the Holy Ghost's name![16][53][54]

Alexander Macbain (who also supplies a presumably reconstructed Gaelic "Chaidh Criosd a mach/Air maduinn mhoich" to the first couplet of "The Lord rade" charm above[55]) also records a version of a horse spell which was chanted while "at the same time tying a worsted thread on the injured limb".[56]

Chaidh Criosda mach
Sa' mhaduinn mhoich
'S fhuair e casan nan each,
Air am bristeadh mu seach.
Chuir e cnaimh ri cnaimh,
Agus feith ri feith,
Agus feòil ri feòil,
Agus craicionn ri craicionn,
'S mar leighis esan sin
Gu'n leighis mise so.[56]

( a version of the Eolas from Lochbroom) [57]

Christ went forth
In the early morn
And found the horses' legs
Broken across.
He put bone to bone.
Sinew to sinew,
Flesh to flesh.
And skin to skin;
And as He healed that,
May I heal this.

(Macbain tr.) [58]

Macbain goes on to quote another Gaelic horse spell, one beginning "Chaidh Brìde mach.." from Cuairtear nan Gleann (July 1842) that invokes St. Bride as a "he" rather than "she", plus additional examples suffering from corrupted text.

Ancient India

There have been repeated suggestions that healing formula of the Second Merseburg Charm may well have deep Indo-European roots. A parallel has been drawn between this charm and an example in Vedic literature, an incantation from the 2nd millennium BCE found in the Atharvaveda, hymn IV, 12:[59][60][61][62]

1. róhaṇy asi róhany asthṇaç chinnásya róhaṇî
róháye 'dám arundhati
2. yát te rishṭáṃ yát te dyuttám ásti péshṭraṃ te âtmáni
dhâtấ tád bhadráyâ púnaḥ sáṃ dadhat párushâ páruḥ
3. sáṃ te majjấ majjñấ bhavatu sámu te párushâ páruḥ
sáṃ te mâmsásya vísrastaṃ sáṃ ásthy ápi rohatu
4. majjấ majjñấ sáṃ dhîyatâṃ cármaṇâ cárma rohatu
ásṛk te ásthi rohatu ṃâṇsáṃ mâṇséna rohatu
5. lóma lómnâ sáṃ kalpayâ tvacấ sáṃ kalpayâ tvácam
ásṛk te ásthi rohatu chinnáṃ sáṃ dhehy oshadhe[59]

1. Grower (Rohani)[lower-alpha 9] art thou, grower, grower of severed bone; make this grow. O arundhatī [lower-alpha 10]
2. What of thee is torn, what of thee is inflamed (?), what of thee is crushed (?) in thyself
may Dhātar[lower-alpha 11] excellently put that together again, joint with joint.
3. Let thy marrow come together with marrow, and thy joint together with joint;
together let what of your flesh has fallen apart, together let thy bone grow over.
4. Let marrow be put together with marrow; let skin grow with skin;
let thy blood, bone grow; let flesh grow with flesh.
5. Fit thou together hair with hair; fit together skin with skin;
let thy blood, bone grow; put together what is severed, O herb..., etc.[63]

This parallelism was first observed by Adalbert Kuhn, who attributed it to a common Indo-European origin. This idea of an origin from a common prototype is accepted by most scholars,[64] although some have argued that these similarities are accidental.[65]

The Rohani (Rōhaṇī Sanskrit: रोहणी) here apparently does not signify a deity, but rather a healing herb;[66] in fact, just an alternative name for the herb arundathi mentioned in the same strain.[67]

See also

Explanatory notes

  1. In the original text of Grógaldr, the text that Bugge emended to leysigaldr actually reads leifnis eldr". This is discussed by Rydberg as "Leifner's or Leifin's fire", and connected by him to Dietrich von Bern's fire-breath that can release the heroes from their chains.[20]
  2. Fortunately Thorpe (1851), pp. 23–4, vol.1 provides an English translation side by side with the Swedish charm, and clarifies that the condition, in Swedish floget or the 'flog' is "horse distemper". Grimm says it corresponds to German: anflug or a "fit" in English, but it is hard to find any sources precisely defining this.
  3. Griffiths only vaguely identifies this as a "Norwegian charm, written down in the 19th century", citing Stanley (1975), p. 84 and Stone (1993). The century dating conflicts with Grimm and Bang's attribution.
  4. brigde Danish: Forvridning af Lemmer (dislocation of the limbs).
  5. No. 7 and a text similar to No. 21 are used as parallels in the Norwegian Wikipedia article, no:Merseburgerformelen.
  6. Although a couple of charms (No. 40, No. 127) among some 1550 in Bang's volume do name the pagan god.
  7. Nicolson gives "St. Peter's horse got vre eller skre the italics he footnotes as meaning "mishandled or slipped". He also translated led vid led as "sinew to sinew", but Brenner has Glied (joint)
  8. Wikiuser translated.
  9. Skr. Rohani (Sanskrit: रोहणी) "grower", another name for the medicine plant arundhati mentioned in this strophe. Lincoln (1986), p. 104
  10. Here a climbing vine; cf. Arundhati
  11. The Creator.

Citations

  1. Giangrosso 2016, p. 113.
  2. Steinhoff 1986, p. 410.
  3. Bostock 1976, p. 26.
  4. Grimm 1865, p. 2.
  5. Steinhoff 1986, p. 415.
  6. Steinhoff 1986, p. 412.
  7. Griffiths (2003), p. 173
  8. Giangrosso (2016), p. 112
  9. Lindow 2001, p. 228.
  10. Lindow 2001, p. 128.
  11. Steinhoff 1986, p. 413.
  12. Lindow 2001, p. 132.
  13. Bostock 1976, p. 32.
  14. Griffiths (2003), p. 174
  15. translation from Benjamin W. Fortson, Indo-European language and culture: an introduction, Wiley-Blackwell, 2004,ISBN 978-1-4051-0316-9, p. 325.
  16. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Grimm (1884), pp. 1231–
  17. translation based on L.C. Jane (1903); A. M. Sellar (1907) (wikisource version)
  18. Bugge, Sophus (1867). Sæmundar Edda hins Fróda: Norroen Fornkvaedi. P. T. Mallings. p. 340.
  19. Murdoch, Brian (1988). "But Did They Work? Interpreting the Old High German Merseburg Charms in their Medieval Context". Neuphilologische Mitteilungen. 89: 358–369., p.365, footnote. Quote: "The existence of the term "leysigaldr" in Old Norse is seductive, but does not constitute proof of the existence of these outside the realm of fiction, or that it can be applied to the Merseburg charm. "
  20. Rydberg, Viktor (1907). Teutonic mythology. Vol. 1. Translated by Rasmus Björn Anderson. S. Sonnenschein & Co. p. 61. ISBN 9781571132406..
  21. Christiansen, Reidar. 1914. Die finnischen und nordischen Varianten des zweiten Merseburgerspruches. (Folklore Fellows’ Communications 18.) Hamina Academia Scientiarum Fennicum.
  22. Pócs, Éva. "A „2. merseburgi ráolvasás” magyar típusai" [Hungarian types of the 2nd Merseburg Charm]. Olvasó. Tanulmányok a 60 (2010): 272-281.
  23. 1 2 3 Murdoch, Brian (2004). German Literature of the Early Middle Ages. Camden House. p. 61. ISBN 9781571132406.
  24. Fath, Jacob (1884). Wegweiser zur deutschen Litteraturgeschichte. pp. 7–8.
  25. Braune, Helm & Ebbinghaus 1994, p. 90. For additional ms. details, see Contra vermes  (in German) via Wikisource.
  26. 1 2 3 Thorpe (1851), pp. 23–4, vol.1, text and translation. Lacks the last invocational line
  27. 1 2 Bang (1901–1902), chapter 1, Spell #4
  28. 1 2 Griffiths (2003), p. 174
  29. Numeral and German title is Grimm's
  30. Grimm (1888), pp. 1867–1868, Appendix, Spells, Spell #LVII. Title is Grimm's.
  31. Bang (1901–1902), p. 4,
  32. Bang's Norse hexeformulaer collection lacks commentary, but Bang (1884) makes clear he subscribes to the parallelism view espoused by Grimm and Bugge.
  33. 1 2 Fet, Jostein (2010). "Magiske Fromlar frå Hornindalen". Mal og Minne. 2: 134–155. (pdf)
  34. Aasen, Ivar Andreas (1850). Ordbog over det norske folkesprog. Trykt hos C. C. Werner. p. 47.
  35. Masser (1972), pp. 19–20
  36. Grimm (1844), repr. Grimm (1865), pp. 1–29, vol.2
  37. Grimm#LVII and Bang's no.4 have spelling differences, but both cite Hammond as source, and the identity is mentioned in Bang (1884), p. 170
  38. Wadstein (1939)
  39. Bang (1884), p. 170
  40. Bang, Anton Christia (1884). Gjengangere fra hedenskabet og katholicismen blandt vort folk efter reformationen. Oslo: Mallingske. pp. 167–.
  41. Stanley (1975), p. 78, citing Grimm's DM 1st ed., Anhang, p.cxlviii and, Grimm (1844), pp. 21–22.
  42. Collected by Martin Bjørndal in Møre (Norway); printed in Bjørndal, Martin (1949). Segn og tru: folkeminne fra Møre. Oslo: Norsk Folkeminnelag. pp. 98–99. (cited by Kvideland & Sehmsdorf (2010), p. 141)
  43. 1 2 Kvideland & Sehmsdorf (2010), p. 141.
  44. Rydberg, Viktor (1889). Undersökningar i Germanisk Mythologi. Vol. 2. A. Bonnier. p. 238.
  45. 1 2 Studier over de nordiske Gude- and Helte-sagns Oprindelse Bugge (1889), pp.287, 549- (addendum to p.284ff); Germ. tr. by Brenner, Bugge (1889b), p. 306
  46. Carl Ohlson Arcadius, Om Bohusläns införlifvande med Sverige (1883), p.118
  47. Kock, Axel (1887). "Var Balder äfven en tysk gud ?". Svenska Landsmål och Svenskt Folkliv. 6: cl (xlvii-cl).
  48. 1 2 Rydberg 1889, p. 239, volume 2
  49. Nordlander, J. (1883). "Trollformler ock signerier (Smärre Meddelanden Nr. 2)". Svenska Landsmål och Svenskt Folkliv. 2: xlvii.
  50. Ebermann (1903), p. 2
  51. Kuhn, Adalbert (1864). "Indische und germanische segensprüche". Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiete der indogermanischen Sprachen. 13: 49–73 [52].
  52. Thiele, Just Mathias (1860). Den Danske almues overtroiske meninger. Danmarks folkesagn. Vol. 3. Kjöbenhavn: C. A. Reitzel. pp. 124–125.
  53. 1 2 Chambers, William (1842). Popular Rhymes, Fireside Stories, and Amusements of Scotland. William and Robert Chambers. p. 37. (Grimm's cited source)
  54. 1 2 The New Statistical Account of Scotland. Vol. 15. Edinburgh; London: W. Blackwood and Sons for the Society for the Benefit of the Sons and Daughters of the Clergy. 1845. p. 141. (Originally issued in 52 numbers, beginning in March 1834) (Chamber's source)
  55. Macbain1892b, p. 230
  56. 1 2 Macbain 1892a, p. 119, Macbain 1892b, pp. 223–4
  57. Macbain, continued serialization of the article in Highland Society IV (1892-3), p.431 and Transactions 18 (1891-2), p.181
  58. Macbain1892b, pp. 246–7
  59. 1 2 Kuhn 1864, p. 58
  60. Cebrián, Reyes Bertolín (2006). Singing the Dead: A Model for Epic Evolution. Peter Lang. pp. 17–18. ISBN 9780820481654., quote: "The parallels of the Merserburger Charm in Vedic literature", is followed by the text of the Atharvaveda 4,12 and translation by Whitney (1905).
  61. Wilhelm, Friedrich (1961). "The German Response to Indian Culture". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 81 (4–2): 395–405. doi:10.2307/595685. JSTOR 595685., "one of the 'Merseburger Zauberspruche' (Merseburg Spells) which has its parallel in the Atharvaveda"
  62. Eichner, Heiner (2000–2001). "Kurze indo-germanische Betrachtungen über die atharvavedische Parallele zum Zweiten Merseburger Zauberspruch (mit Neubehandlung von AVS. IV 12)". Die Sprache. 42 (1–2): 214.
  63. Atharva-Veda saṃhitā. First Half (Books I to VII). Translated by Whitney, William Dwight. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University. 1905. pp. 166–168. (also "Hymn IV, 12" in Whitney tr., Atharva-Veda Samhita. – via Wikisource.)
  64. Lincoln 1986, p. 104.
  65. Ködderitzsch, Rolf (1974). "Der Zweite Merseburger Zauberspruch und seine Parallelen". Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie. 33 (1): 45–57. doi:10.1515/zcph.1974.33.1.45. S2CID 162644696.
  66. Tilak, Shrinivas (1989). Religion and Aging in the Indian Tradition. SUNY Press. ISBN 9780791400449.
  67. Lincoln 1986, p. 104

References

Editions
The Merseburg Charms
General
Cont. in: The Highland Monthly 4 (1892-3), pp. 227–444
Cont. in: Transactions 18 (1891-2), pp. 97–182
(Revised version; containing Stanley (1975), The Search for Anglo-Saxon Paganism and his Anglo-Saxon Trial by Jury (2000))
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