Croatian-Serbian relations
Map indicating locations of Croatia and Serbia

Croatia
Serbia
Diplomatic mission
Embassy of Croatia, BelgradeEmbassy of Serbia, Zagreb

Foreign relations between Croatia and Serbia are bound together by shared history, language and geography. The two states established diplomatic relations in 1996, following the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the Croatian War of Independence and the independence of Croatia. Modern diplomatic relations are functional but cold, stemming from historic nation-building conflict and divergent political ideologies. Their relationship holds geopolitical importance in Southeast Europe given their economic influence in the region.

They share a complicated relationship marked by differences in religion, politics, culture, and a variety of bilateral issues. With 241 kilometers of common border, the two states have multiple border disputes, namely around the Danube river and the islands of Šarengrad and Vukovar. Croatian and Serbian, official in Croatia and Serbia respectively, are mutually intelligible standard varieties of the Serbo-Croatian language. Between the two states, 186,633 Serbs live in Croatia with 57,900 Croats living in Serbia (as of 2011).[1][2]

Croatia has an embassy in Belgrade and a general consulate in Subotica. Serbia has an embassy in Zagreb and two general consulates – one in Rijeka and one in Vukovar. Croatia is a member of the European Union (EU) and NATO, while Serbia is a candidate to join the former but not the latter organization.

History

The birth house of ban Josip Jelačić was gifted by the Serbian government to the county's Croatian minority, 2020
Delegation of the Serbian Army in a joint parade in Zagreb's Ban Jelačić Square in 1918

With the nation-building process in the mid-19th century, the first Croatian–Serbian tensions appeared. Serbia's minister Ilija Garašanin's Načertanije (1844) claimed lands that were inhabited by Bulgarians, Macedonians, Albanians, Montenegrins, Bosnians, Hungarians and Croats as part of Greater Serbia.[3] Garašanin's plan also envisioned methods of spreading Serbian influence in the claimed lands.[3][4] He proposed ways to influence Croats, who Garašanin regarded as "Serbs of Catholic faith".[3] Serbian linguist Vuk Karadžić considered Croatians, who spoke Shtokavian dialect, "Catholic Serbs". Croatia was at the time a kingdom in the Habsburg monarchy, with Dalmatia and Istria being separate Habsburg Crown lands. Croatian thinker and politician Ante Starčević, an advocate of Croatian unity and independence, who was both anti-Habsburg and anti-Serbian in outlook, envisioned the creation of Greater Croatia that would include territories inhabited by Bosniaks, Serbs, and Slovenes, considering Bosniaks and Serbs to be Croats who had been converted to Islam and Orthodox Christianity, while considering the Slovenes to be "mountain Croats".[5][6] Starčević, who in 1861 co-founded a nationalist and irredentist Party of Rights, argued that the significant Serb presence in territories claimed by Greater Croatia was the result of recent settlement, encouraged by Habsburg rulers, and the influx of groups like Vlachs who converted to Orthodox Christianity and came to identify themselves as Serbs. Starčević admired Bosniaks because in his view they were Croats who had adopted Islam in order to preserve the economic and political autonomy of Bosnia and Ottoman Croatia. After Austria-Hungary occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878 and Serbia gained its independence from Ottoman Empire, Croatian and Serbian relations deteriorated as both sides had pretensions on Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 1902, major anti-Serb riots in the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia were provoked by a re-publication by the Zagreb-based Serb Independent Party of an article authored by a Serb Nikola Stojanović that was titled Srbi i Hrvati ("Serbs and Croats"), also known as Do istrage vaše ili naše ("Till the Annihilation, Yours or Ours"). Stojanović denied the existence of the Croatian nation and forecast the result of the "inevitable" Serbian–Croatian conflict:

That combat has to be led till the destruction, either ours or yours. One side must succumb. That side will be Croatians, due to their minority, geographical position, mingling with Serbs and because the process of evolution means Serbhood is equal to progress.[7]

— Nikola Stojanović, Srbobran, 10 August 1902.
Creation of Banovina of Croatia in 1929

In World War I, ethnic Croats fought in the Austro-Hungarian Army against the Kingdom of Serbia, while Croatian general Ivan Salis-Seewis was a military governor of occupied Serbia. Some Croat POWs volunteered to fight in Thessaloniki battlefront with Serbian Army. On 29 October 1918, the Croatian Parliament (Sabor) declared independence from Austria-Hungary and decided to join the newly formed State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs which on 1 December 1918 entered a union with the Kingdom of Serbia and formed the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Initial Croatian zeal for the new state faded away as the republican view of a new state was ignored, especially since the concept of Greater Serbia was put in practice during the early 1920s, under the Yugoslav premiership of Nikola Pašić. Using tactics of police intimidation and vote rigging,[8] he diminished the role of the oppositions (mainly those loyal to his Croatian rival, Stjepan Radić) to his government in parliament,[9] creating an environment for centralization of power in the hands of the Serbs in general and Serbian politicians in particular.[10] Police violence further alienated Croats, who began to ask for their own state. On 20 June 1928, Stjepan Radić and five other Croat politicians (supported by a vast majority of Croats) were shot in the National Assembly in Belgrade by a Serb deputy Puniša Račić, enraged by continuous Croatian claims that they were "exploited by Serbia and that Serbia is treating them like a colony." This led to the royal dictatorship of King Alexander in January 1929. The dictatorship formally ended in 1931 when the king imposed a more unitarian constitution and changed the name of the country to Yugoslavia. The Croatian Peasant Party, now led by Vladko Maček who succeeded Radić, continued to advocate federalization of Yugoslavia, resulting in the Cvetković–Maček Agreement of August 1939 and the autonomous Banovina of Croatia.

In April 1941, Yugoslavia was occupied by Germany and Italy who created a puppet-state called the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) which was governed by the pro-Axis Ustasha organization. The Ustashas sought to create ethnically pure Greater Croatia by cleansing Serbs as well as Jews and Roma from its territory.[11][12][13][14] The Ustashas regime systematically murdered around 300,000–350,000 Serbs, as a part of a genocide campaign.[15][16] Approximately 100,000 people, primarily Serbs, Roma and Jews and others were murdered in Jasenovac concentration camp alone. The predominantly Serb Chetniks, a Yugoslav royalist and Serbian nationalist movement and guerrilla force, engaged in war crimes and ethnic cleansing of Muslims and Croats in order to establish a Greater Serbia, while also supporting the reinstatement of a Serbian monarchy. Some historians view these crimes as constituting genocide.[17][18][19] Estimates on the number of Muslims and Croats deaths caused by the Chetniks in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina range from 47,000 to 65,000.[20] Following the victory of Yugoslav Partisans, who were led by Croatian communist Josip Broz Tito, the Ustashas and the Chetniks were defeated. Yugoslav communists abolished the monarchy and established one-party socialist republic and a federation governed by the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. The recently formed socialist Yugoslav state under Tito's benevolent dictatorship was in November 1945 made up of six socialist republics including SR Serbia and SR Croatia.[21]

Relations in 20th century

Yugoslav wars and establishment of diplomatic relations

President of Croatia Franjo Tuđman and President of Serbia Slobodan Milošević during the signing of Dayton Agreement in 1995.

The period of 1991 to 1995 is marked as the Croatian War of Independence.[22] Serbs living in Croatia stimulated by Serbian leadership established Republic of Serbian Krajina, which captured a third of the whole territory of Croatia, occupied by the remnants of the Serbian-controlled Yugoslav People's Army (from FR Yugoslavia) from 1991 to 1992 and supported by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia through military support.[23][24] The reason for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to support the Republic of Serbian Krajina against Croatian forces were common interests in upholding the status quo of keeping ethnic Serbs of former Yugoslav territories united, either within the extant Yugoslav state or as satellite states serving as proxies to Belgrade.[25] The war killed some 20,000 people from both sides.[26] An estimated 170,000 to 250,000 Croats and other non-Serbs were expelled from parts of Croatia overrun by Serb forces and hundreds of Croatian and other non-Serbian civilians were killed.[27][28] During the Croatian military's Operation Storm in August 1995, around 250,000 Serbs[29] fled from their homes and hundreds of Serb civilians were killed.[30][31]

Following the war in Croatia and signing the Dayton Agreement, the two countries established diplomatic relations on 9 September 1996.[32] Croatia filed a genocide lawsuit against Serbia at the International Court of Justice in 1999, and after Zagreb declined requests to withdraw it, Belgrade filed a countersuit in 2010.[33] Both lawsuits were dismissed on 3 February 2015, as International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia found no evidence to support either claim. The court ruled that both sides undoubtedly committed crimes, but they were not committed with genocidal intent so they are not considered genocide according to the Court's definition of genocide.[34]

Relations in 21st century

In September 2003, Croatian President Stjepan Mesić visited Belgrade, marking the first visit to Serbia and Montenegro by a Croatian head of state since Croatia's declaration of independence in 1991. During his visit Serbian President Svetozar Marović issued an apology for "all evils done by any citizen of Montenegro and Serbia to anyone in Croatia" during the war, prompting Mesić to deliver an apology of his own for "all those who have suffered pain or damage at any time from citizens of Croatia who misused or acted against the law".[35][36]

Boris Tadić, President of Serbia, and Stjepan Mesić, President of Croatia, in Zagreb, 2007.

In 2005, Croatia ratified a bilateral agreement with Serbia and Montenegro on the protection of the Serbian and Montenegrin minority in Croatia and the Croatian national minority in Serbia and Montenegro.[37]

Relations since 2010

In November 2010, Serbian president Boris Tadić visited Memorial site of Vukovar massacre and apologised for the crime. He said that he came there to "create a possibility for Croats and Serbs to turn a new page of their histories".[38] He also brought one part of the missing documentation taken to Serbia in the aftermath of Peaceful reintegration of the Croatia Danube River Region, needed to find out what happened to people who are still missing since fall of the city to JNA in 1991.[39] Croatian president Ivo Josipović in turn visited site of Paulin Dvor massacre where he also apologised.[40] Josipović said that "reconciliation means understanding hardships of others as well", that "reconciliation is their goal" and that "Croatia and Serbia will again become two friendly neighbouring countries".[40]

In May 2014, floodwaters in southeastern Europe caused greatest damages to Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, while Croatia suffered to a lesser extent. Croatia provided military transport, a number of rescuers and 65 tons of drinking water to affected areas in Serbia.[41] The Croatian Red Cross donated €71,386.90 to Bosnia and Herzegovina and €57,168.47 to Serbia for victims of the floods.[42]

Prime minister of Croatia Andrej Plenković, with his Serbian counterpart Ana Brnabić in 2018, on Europa-Forum in Wachau.

In April 2018, Serbian minister Aleksandar Vulin was proclaimed persona non grata in Croatia for making a statement that: "only the Supreme Commander of the Serbian Army – Aleksandar Vučić – can decide about me entering in Croatia, not Croatian ministers."[43][44] Throughout the years, Vulin has made a reputation of a man often[45][46][47][48][49] insulting Croatian officials and Croatian state by calling them fascists, ustašas, criminals in his public statements. As a response to that, Serbian authorities banned Damir Krstičević, then defense minister of Croatia, from entering Serbia.[50] In the same month, as Croatian delegation was visiting the National Assembly of Serbia, ultranationalist Serb politician Vojislav Šešelj accompanied by members of his Serbian Radical Party trampled the Croatian flag in front of Croatian delegation and bragged of cursing Croats. In response, Croatian delegation led by Goran Jandroković canceled their visit.[51]

Relations since 2020

In 2020, the birth home of Ban of Croatia Josip Jelačić, built in the 18th century and located in Petrovaradin, was bought by the Republic of Serbia from private owners. It was later reconstructed and given as a gift to the Croatian community.[52] During Serbian Protests in July 2020, Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić blamed Croatia for the protests and, saying that "their rivalry is to destroy Serbia and destroy Vučić".[53][54]

On 29 December 2020, a violent earthquake hit central Croatia with an epicenter in Petrinja. President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić announced that Serbia is ready to help Croatia both financially and technically.[55] The next day, Government of Serbia decided to donate €1,000,000 to Croatia for repairing damages from the earthquake.[56] Serbian Chamber of Commerce donated additional €50,000.[57] Miloš Stojković, a member of Serb delegation which was supposed to bring the humanitarian aid to areas hit by the earthquake, came unannounced to Croatian city of Knin (once capital of self-proclaimed Krajina). From there he livestreamed on Facebook, saying that: "Knin is the occupied Serb town", and announced the "return of Republic of Serbian Krajina" and removal of Croatian flag from Knin fortress".[58] His video went viral and caused a diplomatic incident. Croatian embassy in Belgrade issued a protest note to Serbian ministry of Foreign Affairs. According to Croatian ambasador Hidajet Bišćević; Serb ministry of Foreign Affairs distanced themself orally from Stojković's statements, however, Croatians also announced that they are expecting a written response from Serbian government.[58] Stojković later called Croatian protest note "shameful".[59]

In July 2021, Croatia announced that an image of Nikola Tesla would appear on its currency when it joined the Euro. Officials from the National Bank of Serbia stated that such a move was inappropriate and filed a complaint with their EU counterparts.[60] The dispute over Tesla's ethnic origin has long affected the two countries' bilateral relations.[61] In July 2022, Croatia and Serbia entered a diplomatic dispute over Aleksandar Vučić's private trip to lay the flowers at the memorial site of the World War II Jasenovac concentration camp, which the Croatian government blocked on the basis that such presidential visits need to be "part of arrangements between the two sides". The Serbian authorities immediately reacted by putting similar restrictions on all Croatian officials traveling through its territory, requiring them to specifically announce and explain their visit or passage through Serbia. Serbian president's visit has then been postponed to request an official visit.[62]

Adria oil pipeline (map from before the breakup of Serbia and Montenegro, at the time designated as "Yugoslavia")

In October 2022, at the first meeting of the European Political Community in Prague, Czech Republic, the European Union, as part of the eighth package of sanctions against Russia, wanted a ban on the import of Russian oil, Croatia did not seek an exemption to allow oil to flow to Serbia through the Croatian port of Omišalj, via the Adriatic pipeline (JANAF), which caused a diplomatic rift between the two countries.[63]

In May 2023, Vučić accused the political opposition in his country of being instructed by Croatia, after he was criticized by Croatian media following the Belgrade school shooting and Mladenovac and Smederevo shootings. It also followed a New York Times article which revealed his alleged connections to organized crime in Serbia.[64] At the same time, Serbian media began a campaign to improve Vučić's domestic image, with claims such as that "president Vučić is the only opposition for ustasha domination on the Balkans" and that "Hitler's successors in Croatia strike at everything that is Serbian".[64] In late May 2023, Vučić again accused Croatia for allegedly trying to topple the government in Serbia.[65] Prime minister of Croatia Plenković responded by giving a statement that Croatia has no hidden agenda to topple the government anywhere in the region, including Serbia.[66]

Border dispute

Boris Tadić, President of Serbia, and Jadranka Kosor, Prime Minister of Croatia, in Ptuj, 2010.

Due to the meandering of the Danube, the eastern border of Baranya with Serbia according to cadastral delineation is not followed, as each country controls territory on their side of the main river flow. Further south, near Vukovar and near Šarengrad, there are two river islands (Island of Vukovar and Island of Šarengrad) which have been part of SR Croatia (during Yugoslavia) but during the war they came under Serbian control.

Croatia requests that the islands be returned because of the Arbitration Commission of the Peace Conference on Yugoslavia decision from 1991 that all internal borders between Yugoslav republics have become international. Serbia's position is that the natural border between the countries is the middle of the main flow of Danube, which would make the islands Serbian territory.[67] Military occupation of the islands ended after an incident in which Serbian military opened fire and arrested the Mayor of Vukovar Vladimir Štengel with nineteen other Croatian civilians and eight children who were going to visit Zvezdan Kisić, the Mayor of the Serbian town Bačka Palanka.[68] These islands are now under Serbian police control.

Consulate General of Serbia in Vukovar

Serbia established a diplomatic mission in Vukovar, Croatia on 5 February 1998,[69] twenty days after the end of the reintegration process of Eastern Slavonia, Baranya and Western Syrmia into Croatia, which was the end of the Croatian War of Independence. The consulate is responsible for five Slavonian counties: Vukovar-Syrmia, Osijek-Baranja, Brod-Posavina, Požega-Slavonia and Virovitica-Podravina. Due to the huge interest of local citizens, in the beginning consulate operated also in Beli Manastir.[70] The consulate at the end of the war played a very positive role in the life of the local Serbian minority in the city and region.[69][71][72][73]

Representatives of the consulate are frequent interlocutors of local and national media when it comes to issues of protection and promotion of Serbian identity in the Danube region.[74][75] Consulate organizes and participates in various cultural and educational projects and humanitarian actions, some of which are the celebration of the signing of Erdut Agreement,[72] showing of documentary films,[76] donation of equipment,[77] organizing concerts[78] etc. On the occasion of 150th anniversary of the birth of Nikola Tesla, the consulate, in conjunction with the U.S. Embassy in Zagreb, co-financed Days of Nikola Tesla in Osijek.[79] Over time the consulate achieved close cooperation with minority institutions and organizations such as Joint Council of Municipalities, Eparchy of Osječko polje and Baranya, and Radio Borovo.

International organizations

Both countries are full members of the South-East European Cooperation Process, Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe, Central European Initiative and Southeast European Cooperative Initiative.

Croatia also supports Serbia's accession to the European Union.[80][81]

Rivalry in basketball

Vlade Divac and Dražen Petrović at the 1990 FIBA World Championship

The big rivalry in basketball started at the FIBA European Championship in 1995. At the time, Croatia was a newly independent state, while Serbia was a federal unit of FR Yugoslavia. Both countries did well in the tournament, with Yugoslavia ranking first. The third-place Croatian team caused an international scandal when they walked off the medal stand and out of the arena just before Serbs and Montenegrins were about to receive their gold medals.[82] The has not been a direct game involving the two countries over the course of the championship.

Croatia and Yugoslavia did face each other in a game at EuroBasket 1997. Four seconds before the end of the tense game, Croatian team was leading by two points when Serbian Saša Đorđević took the ball and made a three-pointer, winning the game for Yugoslavia.[83] Yugoslavia went on to win the championship, while Croatia ended up ranking 11th overall. Afterward, at EuroBasket 2001, Croats were heavily beaten by 80–66. Their last match at a major competition was at the 2016 Olympics, where Serbia also won 86–83. This rivalry went on also to clubs. Serbian clubs dominate in the regional ABA League, where they won 14 times (out of which Partizan eight times and Crvena zvezda five times), and Croatian clubs won two titles.[84]

Rivalry in football

Rivalries between Croatian and Serbian football contenders became especially famous to the world in the early 1990s, starting with the historic Dinamo Zagreb–Red Star Belgrade riot, which emphasized in some peoples' eyes the breakup of Yugoslavia. The Croatia national football team and the FR Yugoslavia national football team played on only a few occasions—the first being in 1999 in the UEFA Euro 2000 qualifying Group 8. Nevertheless, the rivalry between the two teams has been described as one of fiercest in the world.[85][86][87][88] Fourteen years later, for the first time in history, Serbia as an independent country played against the Croatian team on 22 March 2013 in qualification group A of the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The match, which Croatia won 2–0, was closely followed around the world.[89] The football federations of Serbia and Croatia agreed to ban foreign guest fans at the two games because of security concerns.[90] Later, Croatia drew Serbia 1–1 in Belgrade which meant Serbia was eliminated. During the match, Miralem Sulejmani, who was in a goal scoring opportunity, was knocked down by a tactical tackle from Josip Šimunić for which he was given a red card.[91]

Some Serbs, including the tennis star Novak Djokovic, who supported Croatia national team at the 2018 FIFA World Cup, were publicly criticized by some politicians and media.[92][93][94][95]

Croatian stance on Kosovo

Croatia recognized Kosovo as an independent and sovereign republic on 19 March 2008.[96][4] Croatia opened their embassy in Pristina on 7 November 2008, while Kosovo opened theirs in Zagreb on 19 February 2010.[97][98] In late May 2023, Prime Minister of Croatia Andrej Plenković commented on the North Kosovo crisis by saying that Croatia is interested in peace in Kosovo. He stated that the international community must mediate in the affair to ensure Kosovo Serbs in North Kosovo participate in the country's democratic process.[99]

Diplomatic missions

Croatian ambassadors to Belgrade

  • Davor Božinović (2002–2004)
  • Tonči Staničić (2004–2008)
  • Željko Kuprešak (2008–2013)
  • Gordan Markotić (2013–2017)
  • Gordan Bakota (2017–2020)
  • Hidajet Biščević (2020–)

Serbian ambassadors to Zagreb

Diplomacy

Source[100][101]

See also

References

  1. ↑ "Population by Ethnicity, by Towns/Municipalities, 2011 Census". Census of Population, Households and Dwellings 2011. Zagreb: Croatian Bureau of Statistics. December 2012.
  2. ↑ "Official Census 2011 Results". Republički zavod za statistiku. Archived from the original on 16 April 2013. Retrieved 3 February 2013.
  3. 1 2 3 Cohen, Philip J. (1996). Serbia's Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History. Texas A&M University Press. pp. 3–4. ISBN 0-89096-760-1.
  4. 1 2 "MVEP • Datumi priznanja". Retrieved 2 May 2016.
  5. ↑ Fischer, Bernd Jürgen (2007). Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of South Eastern Europe. Purdue University Press. p. 207. ISBN 978-1-5575-3455-2.
  6. ↑ Bideleux, Robert; Jeffries, Ian (2007). The Balkans: A Post-Communist History. Routledge. p. 187. ISBN 978-1-1345-8328-7.
  7. ↑ Bilandžić, Dušan (1999). Hrvatska moderna povijest. Golden marketing. p. 31. ISBN 953-6168-50-2.
  8. ↑ Balkan Politics, Time magazine, 31 March 1923
  9. ↑ Elections, Time magazine, 23 February 1925
  10. ↑ The Opposition, Time magazine, 6 April 1925
  11. ↑ "Balkan 'Auschwitz' haunts Croatia". BBC News. 25 April 2005. Retrieved 29 September 2010. No one really knows how many died here. Serbs talk of 700,000. Most estimates put the figure nearer 100,000.
  12. ↑ "Croatian holocaust still stirs controversy". BBC News. 29 November 2001. Retrieved 29 September 2010.
  13. ↑ "Deciphering the Balkan Enigma: Using History to Inform Policy" (PDF). Retrieved 3 June 2011.
  14. ↑ Blamires, Cyprian (2006). World Fascism: A-K. ABC-CLIO. p. 691. ISBN 978-1-57607-940-9.
  15. ↑ Totten, Samuel; Parsons, William S. (2004). Century of Genocide: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Accounts. Routledge. p. 422. ISBN 978-1-13594-558-9.
  16. ↑ Ramet, Sabrina P. (1992). Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991 (Second ed.). Indiana University Press. p. 8. ISBN 978-0-25334-794-7.
  17. ↑ Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia. Stanford University Press. p. 747. ISBN 978-0-8047-0857-9.
  18. ↑ Redžić, Enver (2005). Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Second World War. New York: Tylor and Francis. p. 155. ISBN 978-0714656250.
  19. ↑ Marko Attila Hoare (2007). The History of Bosnia: From the Middle Ages to the Present Day. Saqi. p. 254. ISBN 978-0-86356-953-1.
  20. ↑ Geiger, Vladimir (2012). "Human losses of Croats in World War II and the immediate post-war period caused by the Chetniks (Yugoslav Army in the Fatherland) and the Partizans (People's Liberation Army and the partizan detachment of Yugoslavia/Yugoslav Army) and the Yugoslav Communist authoritities. Numerical indicators". Review of Croatian History. VIII (1): 86–87.
  21. ↑ Shapiro, Susan; Shapiro, Ronald (2004). The Curtain Rises: Oral Histories of the Fall of Communism in Eastern Europe. McFarland. ISBN 0-7864-1672-6.
    "...All Yugoslavs had educational opportunities, jobs, food, and housing regardless of nationality. Tito, seen by most as a benevolent dictator, brought peaceful co-existence to the Balkan region, a region historically synonymous with factionalism."
  22. ↑ Chuck Sudetic (3 January 1992). "Yugoslav Factions Agree to U.N. Plan to Halt Civil War". The New York Times. Retrieved 16 December 2010.
  23. ↑ Martić verdict, pp. 122–123
    "The Trial Chamber found that the evidence showed that the President of Serbia, Slobodan Milošević, openly supported the preservation of Yugoslavia as a federation of which the SAO Krajina would form a part. However, the evidence established that Slobodan Milošević covertly intended the creation of a Serb state. This state was to be created through the establishment of paramilitary forces and the provocation of incidents in order to create a situation where the JNA could intervene. Initially, the JNA would intervene to separate the parties but subsequently the JNA would intervene to secure the territories envisaged to be part of a future Serb state."
  24. ↑ "Final report of the United Nations Commission of Experts established pursuant to security council resolution 780 (1992), Annex IV – The policy of ethnic cleansing; Prepared by: M. Cherif Bassiouni". United Nations. 28 December 1994. Archived from the original on 4 May 2012. Retrieved 19 March 2011.
  25. ↑ Brown & Karim (1995), p. 120
  26. ↑ "Presidents apologise over Croatian war". BBC News. 10 September 2003.
  27. ↑ "Milosevic: Important New Charges on Croatia". Human Rights Watch. 21 October 2001. Archived from the original on 25 December 2010. Retrieved 29 October 2010.
  28. ↑ Marlise Simons (10 October 2001). "Milosevic, Indicted Again, Is Charged With Crimes in Croatia". New York Times. Archived from the original on 20 May 2013. Retrieved 26 December 2010.
  29. ↑ Nettelfield, Lara J. (2010). Courting Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Cambridge University Press. p. 289. ISBN 978-0-52176-380-6.
  30. ↑ "Operation Storm: Croatia's Triumph, Serbia's Grief". Balkan Insight. 3 August 2015.
  31. ↑ Fischer, Martina; Simic, Olivera (2015). Transitional Justice and Reconciliation: Lessons from the Balkans. Routledge. p. 9. ISBN 978-1-31752-956-9.
  32. ↑ "Yugoslavia-Croatia ties". The New York Times. 10 September 1996. Retrieved 17 June 2010.
  33. ↑ Balkan Insight7,590 likes · 148 talking about this. "Balkan Insight". Facebook. Retrieved 21 January 2013.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  34. ↑ "Tužbe Hrvatske i Srbije za genocid – odbijene". Al Jazeera Balkans. Retrieved 2 May 2016.
  35. ↑ "Presidents apologise over Croatian war". BBC News. 10 September 2003.
  36. ↑ "Croatia, Serbia-Montenegro Leaders Apologize for "Evils of War"". Sun Sentinel. 11 September 2003.
  37. ↑ "Croatia: Serbs". Minority Rights Group International. 19 June 2015.
  38. ↑ "Isprika na koju se čekalo 19 godina. Tadić: Izvinjavam se". www.vecernji.hr (in Croatian). Retrieved 30 May 2023. Ovdje sam da se poklonim žrtvama i odam počast ubijenima. Ovdje sam i da, klanjajući se žrtvama, još jednom uputim riječi isprike i iskreno žaljenje te da stvorim mogućnost da Hrvati i Srbi okrenu novu stranicu povijesti – riječi su koje je na mjestu masovne grobnice na Ovčari uputio predsjednik Srbije Boris Tadić.
  39. ↑ "Slobodna Dalmacija - Tadić se ispričao za Ovčaru, Josipović za Paulin Dvor (FOTO)". slobodnadalmacija.hr (in Croatian). 4 November 2010. Retrieved 30 May 2023.
  40. 1 2 "Jutarnji list - Tadić se ispričao na Ovčari, Josipović u Paulin Dvoru: Zločin zaslužuje osudu, žrtve naš pijetet". www.jutarnji.hr (in Croatian). 4 November 2010. Retrieved 30 May 2023.
  41. ↑ "HVALA, KOMŠIJE: Hrvatska poslala 65 tona vode za piće!" (in Serbian). Batrovci. Telegraf. 18 May 2014. Retrieved 19 May 2014.
  42. ↑ "Emergency appeal for flood affected people in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia - News - Croatian Red Cross". Archived from the original on 19 May 2014. Retrieved 19 May 2014.
  43. ↑ "Jutarnji list - VULIN DO DALJNJEG NIJE POŽELJAN U HRVATSKOJ! Bit će vraćen s granice ako pokuša ući u državu". www.jutarnji.hr (in Croatian). 21 April 2018. Retrieved 3 September 2022.
  44. ↑ "HR: Vulin nije dobrodošao zbog "odlučuje Vučić, ne Zagreb"". B92.net (in Serbian). 21 April 2018. Retrieved 3 September 2022.
  45. ↑ "Vulin žestoko po Plenkoviću i Gotovini: "Vladu ustaša vodi glupi ustaša. Ovakvu glupost i laž ne bi izgovorio ni zločinac Gotovina"". Dnevnik.hr (in Croatian). Retrieved 3 September 2022.
  46. ↑ "Vulin ponovno hrvatsku vladu nazvao ustaškom". N1 (in Croatian). 19 July 2022. Retrieved 3 September 2022.
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