Burakumin (部落民, 'hamlet/village people') is a term for ethnic Japanese people who are believed to be descended from members of the pre-Meiji castes which were associated with kegare (穢れ, 'defilement'), such as executioners, undertakers, slaughterhouse workers, butchers, and tanners. The term encompasses both the historical eta and hinin outcasts. During Japan's feudal era, these occupations acquired a hereditary status of untouchability, and became an unofficial caste of the Tokugawa class system during the Edo period. Due to severe discrimination and ostracism in Japanese society, these groups came to live as outcasts, in their own separate villages or ghettos. After the caste system was abolished, the term burakumin came into use to refer to the former caste members and their descendants, who continued to experience stigmatization and discrimination.

Terminology

The term burakumin is derived from buraku (部落), a Japanese term which refers literally to a small, generally rural, commune or hamlet. In the regions of Japan where the burakumin issue is much less publicly prominent, such as Hokkaido and Okinawa, buraku is still used in a non-pejorative sense to refer to any hamlet.[1] Historically, the term buraku was used for an outcast community that was discriminated against officially and formally.

Terms
Roman Kanji Meaning Annotation
Hisabetsu-buraku 被差別部落 'Discriminated community/hamlet' Hisabetsu-buraku is a commonly used, polite term, with people from them called hisabetsu-burakumin (被差別部落民, 'discriminated community (hamlet) people') or hisabetsu buraku shusshin-sha (被差別部落出身者, 'person from a discriminated community/hamlet').
Burakumin 部落民 'Hamlet people' Burakumin refers either to hamlet people per se or is used as an abbreviation of people from a discriminated community/hamlet. Very old people tend to use the word in the former meaning. Its use is sometimes frowned upon, though it is by far the most commonly used term in English.
Mikaihō-buraku 未解放部落 'Unliberated communities' Mikaihō-buraku is a term sometimes used by human rights groups, and has a degree of political meaning to it.
Tokushu buraku 特殊部落 'Special hamlets' Tokushu buraku was a term used during the early 20th century but is now considered pejorative.

A term used much for buraku settlements is dōwa chiku (同和地区, 'assimilation districts'), an official term for districts designated for government and local authority assimilation projects from 1969 to 2002.

The social issue concerning "discriminated communities" is usually referred to as dōwa mondai (同和問題, 'assimilation issues') or, less commonly, buraku mondai (部落問題, 'hamlet issues').

During the feudal era, the outcastes were termed eta (穢多, lit. 'an abundance of defilement' or 'an abundance of filth'), a term now considered derogatory. Eta towns were termed etamura (穢多村).

Some burakumin refer to their own communities as mura (村, 'villages') and themselves as mura-no-mono (村の者, 'village people').

Other outcaste groups from whom buraku may have been descended included the hinin (非人, lit. 'non-human'). The definition of hinin, as well as their social status and typical occupations varied over time, but typically included ex-convicts and vagrants who worked as town guards, street cleaners or entertainers.

During the 19th century, the term burakumin was invented to name the eta and hinin because both classes were forced to live in separate village neighborhoods.[2]

Definition

Defining the burakumin as a separate group is difficult. Burakumin parents sometimes do not tell their children about their ancestry in hopes of avoiding discrimination.[3] Because of this, there is an increasingly large population that has no idea that others would consider them burakumin.[4] Discrimination is primarily based on ancestry and location; someone with no burakumin ancestry may be viewed as one and discriminated against if they move to a former dōwa chiku.[5]

Historical origins

The predecessors to burakumin, called kawata (かわた) or eta (穢多) formed as a distinct group some time during the Heian period, AD 794–1185. The permeation of Buddhism into Japan in the first millennium led to the castigation of meat eating and similar activities. The Shinto and Buddhist cultures, which aimed for a certain purity of body and mind, considered working with dead animals, blood, or any sort of decaying object as polluting, and hence occupations like butchery and leather tanning were besmirched.[6] The eta, people who held such occupations, dealt with pollution and were thus considered inferior or sub-human. However, because of their ability to deal with pollution, several myths emerged from the Heian through medieval periods about certain eta's abilities to cleanse ritual pollution, and in some portrayals even possess magical powers.[7] Another outcaste, the kawata, were associated with the tanning industry, and had the exclusive rights to tan hides.[8] Prior to the Edo period, these burakumin (peripatetic or settled) would live outside common population centers and maintained some socio-ethical significance, albeit negligible. They were also employed as mediators in disputes. Spatial and geographic markers played a significant role in the distinction between the burakumin and other members of society.[9]

Hinin, meaning 'non-human', was another pre-burakumin status, applying to certain criminals, beggars and camp followers of samurai. Their position was more mobile, and they were usually thought to be less polluted.[10] The Tokugawa shogunate regarded beggars as hinin and allowed them to beg in designated areas. They had to work as restroom attendants, prison officers, or executioners.

Within the hinin and eta communities there would usually be a centralized chiefain[11] who was given the exclusive license of tanning, candle wicks and other similar occupations, employing their peers and concentrating great wealth and local power.[12] This chieftain took on the name of Danzaemon (弾左衛門) and was given the authority to supervise the hisabetsumin living in the hamlets located in the eight provinces of the Kanto region, the Izu Province, as well as in parts of Kai, Suruga, Mutsu and Mikawa Provinces.[13]

Edo Period

In 1603, Tokugawa Ieyasu established the Tokugawa Shogunate, systemically extirpating the previous disarray in Japan wrought by rampant internecine strife and warring by daimyos, local feudal lords. He restored the power and influence of the hitherto vitiated shogun position, consolidated central authority, managed to exert control over strategically important daimyos and their fiefs and became the de facto leader of Japan. His rule brought out about the Edo period, which scholars characterize as the unification of Japan. As a means to control opposition and preserve the rule of the Tokugawa clan, Ieyasu introduced a rigid social structure encompassing four classes based on neo-Confucian theory. The four classes, in order of descending prestige, were the samurai, peasants, artisans and the merchants. The burakumin held occupations associated with religious impurity, and were subsequently relegated as outcastes and subject to ostracization in the mainstream Japanese society. Among the members of the outcastes were the eta (hereditary outcastes), landless peasants and the hinin, which comprised people guilty of certain crimes and their offspring. As Japanese society stabilized, the demand for leather declined, as it was used largely for warring purposes, and along with the Tokugawa caste policy, the eta were relegated to the peripheries of villages or formed their own communities.[14] The hinin were eventually forced to join in eta settlements (buraku). As the Edo period witnessed local prosperity, the shogunate augmented the differences between the four classes (even between the burakumin and the hinin), and often used the two outcaste groups as scapegoats.[9] Various humiliating injunctions mandating certain dress codes or hairstyles for burakumin were passed, and by the 18th century, they were prohibited from entering temples, homes of common citizens and schools. At this point, the burakumin were generally economically subsistent on the government's purchase of the war equipment they produced, and they adopted occupations in the military as jailers, torturers and executioners.[15]

End of the feudal era

The most famous official of the Buraku Liberation League, Jiichirō Matsumoto (1887–1966), who was born a burakumin in Fukuoka prefecture. He was a statesman and termed "the father of buraku liberation".[16]

The feudal caste system in Japan ended formally in 1869 with the Meiji restoration. In 1871, the newly formed Meiji government issued the Senmin Haishirei (賤民廃止令, 'Edict Abolishing Ignoble Classes') decree, giving outcasts equal legal status. It is currently known better as the Kaihōrei (解放令, Emancipation Edict). However, burakumin were deprived of the exclusive rights of disposal of dead bodies of horses and cattle.[17][18][19] The elimination of their monopolies of certain occupations actually resulted in a decrease of their general living standards, while social discrimination simply continued.

During the early Meiji era, many anti-Kaihōrei riots (Kaihōrei-hantai-ikki (解放令反対一揆)) happened around the country. For example, in a village in Okayama when "former eta" tried to buy alcohol, four men were killed, four men were injured and 25 houses were destroyed by commoners.[18] In another village, as part of an anti-Government riot,[20] 263 houses were destroyed and 18 former etas were killed.

The practice of eating meat existed even during the Edo period,[21] but the official ban of the consumption of meat from livestock was ended in 1871 in order to "Westernise" the country. Many former eta began to work in abattoirs and as butchers, as they were thought to be experienced with the handling of dead bodies.[10]

Slow-changing social attitudes, especially in the countryside, meant that abattoirs and their workers were often met with hostility from local residents. Continued ostracism, the decrease of living standards and the development of modern construction and city sprawl resulted in former eta communities becoming slum areas. Prejudice against the consumption of meat continued throughout the Meiji period. In 1872, a group of Yamabushi, who objected to the Emperor's consumption of meat, tried to enter the Tokyo Imperial Palace and four of them were killed. They claimed that gods would leave Japan because the Japanese had eaten meat.[10]

There were many terms used to indicate former outcastes, their communities or settlements at the time. Official documents referred to them as kyu-eta (旧穢多, 'former eta'), while the newly liberated outcasts called themselves shin-heimin (新平民, 'new citizens'), among other terms.

Nakae Chōmin was a late 19th century statesmen who worked for the liberation of burakumin. He transferred his resident registration to buraku and denounced the discrimination against them when he campaigned during the election of 1890 from Osaka and won.

The term tokushu buraku (特殊部落, 'special hamlets'), now considered inappropriate, started being used by officials during the 1900s, and resulted in the meaning of the word buraku ('hamlet') coming to imply former eta villages in certain parts of Japan.

Attempts to resolve the problem during the early 20th century were of two types: the 'assimilation' (同和, dōwa) philosophy which encouraged improvements in living standards of buraku communities and integration with the mainstream Japanese society, and the 'levelers' (水平社, suiheisha) philosophy which concentrated on confronting and criticising alleged perpetrators of discrimination.

Post-war situation

Although liberated legally during 1871 with the abolition of the feudal caste system, this did not end social discrimination against burakumin nor improve their living standards; until recently, Japanese family registration was fixed to an ancestral home address, which allowed people to deduce their burakumin ancestry.

Demographics

The number of burakumin asserted to be living in modern Japan varies from source to source. Japanese government statistics show the number of residents of assimilation districts who claim buraku ancestry, whereas the Buraku Liberation League (BLL) figures are estimates of the total number of descendants of all former and current buraku residents, including current residents without any buraku ancestry.

A 1993 report by the Japanese government counted 4,533 dōwa chiku (同和地区, assimilation districts) throughout the country. Most were located in western Japan, while none were located in Hokkaido and Tōhoku. About three quarters of the districts are in rural areas. The size of each community ranged from less than five households to more than 1,000 households.[22]

It is estimated that around 1,000 buraku communities chose not to register as dōwa chiku, wanting to avoid the negative attention that could come from explicitly declaring themselves burakumin.[23] BLL has extrapolated Meiji-era figures to arrive at an estimate of nearly three million burakumin.[24] In some areas, burakumin are in a majority; per a 1997 report, they accounted for more than 70 percent of all residents of Yoshikawa (now Kōnan) in Kōchi Prefecture. In Ōtō, Fukuoka Prefecture, they accounted for more than 60 percent.[25]

According to a survey performed by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government during 2003, 76% of Tokyo residents would not change their opinion of a close neighbor whom they discovered to be a burakumin; 4.9% of respondents, on the other hand, would actively avoid a burakumin neighbor. There is still a social stigma for being a resident of certain areas associated traditionally with the burakumin, and some lingering discrimination in matters such as marriage and employment.[26]

Discrimination in access to services

In many parts of the country, buraku settlements built on the site of former eta villages ceased to exist by the 1960s because of either urban development or integration into mainstream society. However, in other regions, many of their residents continued to suffer from slum-like housing and infrastructure, lower economic status, illiteracy, and lower general educational standards.

In 1969, the government passed the Special Measures Law for Assimilation Projects (同和対策事業特別措置法, dōwa taisaku jigyō tokubetsu sochihō)[27] to provide funding to these communities. Communities deemed to be in need of funding were designated for various Assimilation Projects (同和対策事業, dōwa taisaku jigyō), such as construction of new housing and community facilities such as health centers, libraries and swimming pools. The projects were terminated in 2002 with a total funding of an estimated 12 trillion yen over 33 years.

Social discrimination

Cases of social discrimination against residents of buraku areas are still an issue in certain regions. Outside of the Kansai region, people in general are often not aware of the issues experienced by those of buraku ancestry, and if they are, this awareness may only be awareness of the history of feudal Japan. Due to the sensitive nature of the topic and the campaigns by the Buraku Liberation League to remove any references in the media that may propagate discrimination against them, the issue is rarely discussed in the media.[28]

Prejudice against buraku most often manifests itself in the form of marriage discrimination and sometimes in employment. Traditionalist families have been known to check on the backgrounds of potential in-laws to identify people of buraku ancestry. These checks are now illegal, and marriage discrimination is diminishing; Nadamoto Masahisa of the Buraku History Institute estimates that between 60 and 80% of burakumin marry a non-burakumin, whereas for people born during the late 1930s and early 1940s, the rate was 10%.[29] Over the past decades, the number of marriages between burakumin and non-burakumin have increased, and opinion polls have shown a decrease in the number of Japanese willing to state they would discriminate against burakumin.[30]

Many companies were known to have used lists of buraku addresses that were developed first in 1975 to exclude the burakumin. The average income of a buraku family was significantly less than the national average (60% in 1992).[31]

Cases of continuing social discrimination are known to occur mainly in western Japan, particularly in the Osaka, Kyoto, Hyogo, and Hiroshima regions, where many people, especially the older generation, stereotype buraku residents (whatever their ancestry) and associate them with squalor, unemployment and criminality.[32]

No burakumin communities were identified in the following prefectures: Hokkaido, Aomori, Iwate, Miyagi, Akita, Yamagata, Fukushima, Tokyo, Toyama, Ishikawa, and Okinawa.[33]

Yakuza membership

According to David E. Kaplan and Alec Dubro in Yakuza: The Explosive Account of Japan's Criminal Underworld (1986), burakumin account for about 70% of the members of Yamaguchi-gumi, the largest yakuza crime syndicate in Japan.[34]

Mitsuhiro Suganuma, an ex-member of the Public Security Intelligence Agency, testified in 2006 that burakumin account for about 60 percent of yakuza.[35]

Notable incidents

Tokushu Buraku Chimei Sōkan incident

In November 1975, the Osaka part of the Buraku Liberation League was alerted about the existence of a book named 'A Comprehensive List of Buraku Area Names' (特殊部落地名総鑑, Tokushu Buraku Chimei Sōkan). Investigations revealed that copies of the hand-written 330-page book were being sold secretly by an Osaka-based business to numerous businesses and individuals throughout Japan by a mail order service named Cablenet, at between ¥5,000 and ¥50,000 per copy.

The book contained a nationwide list of all the names and locations of buraku settlements, as well as the primary means of employment of their inhabitants, which could be compared against people's addresses to determine if they were buraku residents. The preface contained the following message: "At this time, we have decided to go against public opinion and create this book [for] personnel managers grappling with employment issues, and families pained by problems with their children's marriages".

More than 200 large Japanese companies, including, according to the Buraku Liberation and Human Rights Research Institute of Osaka, Toyota, Nissan, Honda and Daihatsu, along with thousands of individuals, purchased copies of the book. In 1985, partially in response to the popularity of this book, and an increase of mimoto chōsa (身元調査, 'private investigation into one's background') the Osaka prefectural government introduced "An Ordinance to Regulate Personal Background Investigation Conducive to Buraku Discrimination".

Although the production and sale of the book has been banned, numerous copies of it are still in existence, and in 1997, an Osaka private investigation company was the first to be charged with violation of the 1985 statute for using the text.

Nonaka incident

Hiromu Nonaka

In 2001, future Prime Minister of Japan Tarō Asō, along with Hiromu Nonaka, was among the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) chief candidates to succeed Yoshirō Mori as premier of Japan. Nonaka, the former Chief Cabinet Secretary, is of burakumin descent. During a meeting of LDP officials at which Nonaka was not present, Asō reportedly told the assembled group, "We are not going to let someone from the buraku become the prime minister, are we?".[36]

Nonaka subsequently withdrew as a candidate. Asō's comment about Nonaka's heritage was revealed in 2005. Asō denied that he had made the statement, but Hisaoki Kamei, who was present at the 2001 meeting, stated in January 2009 that he had heard Asō say something "to that effect".[36]

Hashimoto incident

In 2012, Tōru Hashimoto, a lawyer, former governor of Osaka Prefecture, mayor of Ōsaka City at the time and the founder of the political party Nippon Ishin no Kai, was the subject of an article published in the magazine Shukan Asahi, entitled "Hashishita, his true nature" (ハシシタ・奴の本性), which claimed that his father was a burakumin and his relatives were yakuza. The article further elaborated that Hashimoto was eccentric and dangerous based on his "blood".[37]

Hashimoto, in office, demanded an explanation from the publisher and excluded the newspaper The Asahi Shimbun, a wholly-owned subsidiary company of the magazine's publisher, from a press conference.[37] Hashimoto later sued the publisher and the writer Shinichi Sano for defamation.[38][39] The Buraku Liberation League, who did not endorse his policies, also remonstrated.[40] The publisher had a third party examine the incident and apologized.[41] The president of the publisher, Hideo Kotoku, resigned to take responsibility.[42]

Burakumin rights movement

As early as 1922, officials of the hisabetsu buraku organized a campaign, the "Levelers Association of Japan" (Suiheisha), to advance their rights. The Declaration of the Suiheisha encouraged the burakumin to unite in resistance to discrimination, and sought to create a positive identity for the victims of discrimination, insisting that the time had come to be "proud of being eta". The declaration portrayed the burakumin ancestors as "manly martyrs of industry" and argued that to submit meekly to oppression would be to insult and profane these ancestors. Despite internal divisions among anarchist, Bolshevik, and social democratic factions, and despite the Japanese government's establishment of an alternate organization, the Yūma, designed to reduce the influence of the Suiheisha, the Levelers Association remained active until the late 1930s.

After World War II, the National Committee for Burakumin Liberation was initiated, changing its name to the Buraku Liberation League (Buraku Kaihō Dōmei) during the 1950s. The league, with the endorsement of the socialist and communist parties, influenced the government into making important concessions during the late 1960s and 1970s.

During the 1960s, the Sayama Incident publicised the problems of the group. The incident involved the murder conviction of a member of the discriminated communities based on circumstantial evidence, which is generally given little weight against physical evidence in Japanese courts.

One concession was the passing of the Special Measures Law for Assimilation Projects, which provided financial aid for the discriminated communities. In 1976, legislation was also approved banning third parties from investigating another person's family registry. This traditional system of registry, kept for all Japanese by the Ministry of Justice since the 19th century, would reveal an individual's buraku ancestry if consulted. By the new legislation, these records could now be consulted only for legal cases, making it more difficult to identify or discriminate against members of the group.

During the 1980s, some educators and local governments, particularly in areas with relatively large hisabetsu buraku populations, began special education programs which they hoped would encourage greater educational and economic success for young members of the group and decrease the discrimination they faced.[43] Burakumin rights groups exist presently in all parts of Japan except for Hokkaidō and Okinawa.

"Human Rights Promotion Centers" (人権啓発センター) have been established across the country by prefectural governments and local authorities; these, in addition to promoting burakumin rights, campaign on behalf of a wide range of other groups such as women, the disabled, ethnic minorities, foreign residents and released prisoners. Even into the early 1990s, however, discussion of the 'liberation' of these discriminated communities, or even their existence, was rare in public discussion.

Buraku Liberation League and the Zenkairen

Flag of the Buraku Liberation League

The Buraku Liberation League is considered one of the most militant among burakumin's rights groups. The BLL is known for its fierce "denunciation and explanation sessions", where alleged perpetrators of discriminatory actions or speech are summoned for a public hearing before a panel of activists.

Early sessions were marked by occasions of violence and kidnapping, and several BLL activists have been arrested for such acts. The legality of these sessions is still disputed, but to this date the authorities have mostly ignored them except in the more extreme cases.[44][45][46]

In 1990, Karel van Wolferen's criticism of the BLL in his much-acclaimed book The Enigma of Japanese Power prompted the BLL to demand the publisher halt publication of the Japanese translation of the book. Van Wolferen condemned this as an international scandal.

The other major buraku activist group is the National Buraku Liberation Alliance (全国部落解放運動連合会, Zenkoku Buraku Kaihō Undō Rengōkai), or Zenkairen, affiliated to the Japanese Communist Party (JCP). It was formed in 1979[47] by BLL activists who were either purged from the organization or abandoned it during the late 1960s, due to, among other things, their opposition to the decision that subsidies to the burakumin should be limited to the BLL members only. Not all burakumin were BLL members, and not all residents of the areas targeted for subsidies were historically descended from the outcastes.[48]

The Zenkairen often disputed the BLL, accusing them of chauvinism. The conflict between the two organizations increased during 1974 when a clash between teachers belonging to a JCP-affiliated union and BLL activists at a high school in Yoka, rural Hyōgo Prefecture, put 29 in hospital.

In 1988, the BLL formed the International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism (IMADR). The BLL sought for the IMADR to be recognized as a United Nations Non-Government Organization, but in 1991, the Zenkairen informed the United Nations about the alleged human rights violations committed by the BLL in the course of their "denunciation sessions" held with accused "discriminators".[48][49]

According to a BLL-funded think tank, when cases of discrimination were alleged, the Zenkairen often conducted denunciation sessions as fierce as those of the BLL. Nonetheless, the IMADR was designated a UN human rights NGO in March 1993.[50]

On March 3, 2004, the Zenkairen announced that "the buraku issue has basically been resolved" and formally disbanded. On March 4, 2004, they began a new organization known as the "National Confederation of Human Rights Movements in The Community" (全国地域人権運動総連合, Zenkoku Chiiki Jinken Undō Sōrengō') or Zenkoku Jinken Ren.[51][52]

Religious discrimination

Jōdo Shinshū Buddhism originally patronized the lower castes. In 1922, when the National Levelers' Association (Zenkoku-suiheisha) was initiated in Kyoto, Mankichi Saiko, a founder of the society and Jodo Shinshu priest, said, critiquing aggressive postures on the denouncement of acts of discrimination:

We shouldn't disgrace our ancestors and violate humanity by our harsh words and terrible actions. We, who know how cold the human world is, and how to take care of humanity, can seek and rejoice from the bottom of our hearts in the warmth and light of human life.[53]

After many petitions from the BLL, in 1969 the Honganji changed its opinion on the burakumin issue. Zenkairen, which disassociated from the BLL in 1968, regrets this decision.

Religious discrimination against the burakumin was not recognized until the BLL's criticism sessions became widespread. For example, in 1979 the Director-General of the Sōtō Sect of Buddhism made a speech at the "3rd World Conference on Religion and Peace" claiming that there was no discrimination against burakumin in Japan.[54]

Notable burakumin

See also

Discrimination in Japan

General

  • Caste
  • Untouchability
    • Baekjeong, the former outcast community of Korean society
    • Dalit, a collective term for the outcast endogamous communities of India and Nepal
    • Cagot or Agotes, the former outcast community of France and Spain
    • Tanka (danhu) ('boat people') in Guangdong, Fuzhou Tanka in Fujian, si-min ('small people') and mianhu in Jiangsu, Gaibu and Duomin (To min; 惰民; duò mín; 'idle/lazy/fallen/indolent people'') in Zhejiang, jiuxing yumin (九姓魚民; jiǔxìng yúmín; 'nine name fishermen'' in the Yangtze River region, yoh-hu ('music people') in Shanxi
    • Bụi đời, the outcast community of Vietnam after the Fall of Saigon

References

  1. ↑ Hankins, Joseph D (2014). Working Skin: Making Leather, Making a Multicultural Japan. University of California Press. p. 113. ISBN 9780520959163.
  2. ↑ Frédéric, Louis (2002). Japan Encyclopedia. Harvard University Press Reference Library. Belknap Press. p. 93. ISBN 9780674017535.
  3. ↑ McLauchlan, Alastair (January 31, 2003). "Solving Anti-Burakujūmin Prejudice in the 21st Century". Electronic Journal of Contemporary Japanese Studies. Retrieved January 12, 2023.
  4. ↑ Hankins, Joseph D (2014). Working Skin: Making Leather, Making a Multicultural Japan. University of California Press. p. 86. ISBN 9780520959163.
  5. ↑ Yamagishi, Atsushi; Sato, Yasuhiro (September 10, 2022). "Measuring Discrimination in Spatial Equilibrium: 100 Years of Japan's Invisible Race". CIRJE F-Series. Retrieved January 12, 2023.
  6. ↑ Meerman 2009, p. 97.
  7. ↑ McCormack, Noah Y. (2012). Japan's Outcaste Abolition: the Struggle for National Inclusion and the Making of the Modern State. Routledge. pp. 34–5. ISBN 9781136283673.
  8. ↑ Toriyama, Hiroshi (2021). "Problems with References to Historical Documents in J. M. Ramseyer, "On the Invention of Identity Politics: The Buraku Outcastes in Japan"". The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus.
  9. 1 2 Orbaugh, Sharalyn (2007). Japanese Fiction of the Allied Occupation: Vision, Embodiment, Identity. BRILL. p. 393. ISBN 978-90-04-15546-6.
  10. 1 2 3 Harada, Nobuo (1993). Rekishi no naka no Amerika to niku shokumotsu to ten'nō sabetsu 歴史のなかの米と肉 食物と天皇・差別 [Rice and Meat in History Food and the Emperor Discrimination] (in Japanese). Tokyo: 平凡社. ISBN 4-582-84147-3.
  11. ↑ Strusiewicz, Cezary Jan (December 21, 2022). "Danzaemon — The Story of Old Japan's Underworld Kings". Tokyo Weekender (in Japanese). Retrieved April 18, 2023.
  12. ↑ OBA, Yoshirō (December 25, 2012). "On Business History of Hokkaido Coal Mining and Shipping Corporation(2)". 北海学園大学学園論集. 154. ISSN 0385-7271. Retrieved October 6, 2020.
  13. ↑ Yu, A. C. "Danzaemon - Japanese Wiki Corpus". www.japanesewiki.com. Retrieved April 18, 2023.
  14. ↑ NEARY, IAN (2003). ""Burakumin" at the End of History". Social Research. 70 (1): 269–270. ISSN 0037-783X. JSTOR 40971613.
  15. ↑ Meerman, Jacob (June 2, 2009). Socio-economic Mobility and Low-status Minorities: Slow Roads to Progress. Routledge. p. 98. ISBN 978-1-135-97281-3.
  16. ↑ Buraku Mondai in Japan: Historical and Modern Perspectives and Directions for the Future - Emily A. Su-lan Reber
  17. ↑ "Meijishonen ni okeru heigyūba shori-sei to to Chiku-Gyō - Hyōgo no jirei kara" 明治初年における斃牛馬処理制とと畜業 -兵庫の事例から [The Slaughtering System and the Slaughtering Industry in the First Year of the Meiji Era: A Case of Hyogo]. Buraku Liberation and Human Rights Research Institute (in Japanese). November 20, 2004. Retrieved October 6, 2020.
  18. 1 2 桐村 彰郎 (December 1, 1989). "Buraku kaihō hantai ikki ni miru minshū ishiki no shosō" 部落解放反対一揆にみる民衆意識の諸相 [Phases of Popular Consciousness in Riots against the Buraku Emancipation]. Nara Law Review (in Japanese). 2 (3): 1–30. NAID 120005847717.
  19. ↑ OBA, Yoshirō (March 25, 2013). "Hokkaidō tankō kisen (kabu) hyaku-nen no keiei-shi to keiei-sha-zō (san)" 北海道炭鉱汽船(株)百年の経営史と経営者像(三) [On Business History of Hokkaido Coal Mining and Shipping Corporation(3)]. 北海学園大学学園論集 (in Japanese). 155. ISSN 0385-7271. Retrieved October 6, 2020.
  20. ↑ 畑中, 敏之. "'Eta kari' ni tsuite" 「穢多狩」について [A new aspect of the word "etagari": rethinking it in a context of history] (PDF). 立命館大学経済学会 (in Japanese). NAID 40016155268. Retrieved October 8, 2020.
  21. ↑ "Nihonjin wa Edo jidai ni mo 'niku' o ai shoku shite ita nikushoku o kihi shite ita to no tsūsetsu ga aru ga…" 日本人は江戸時代にも｢肉｣を愛食していた 肉食を忌避していたとの通説があるが… [There is a common theory that the Japanese ate "meat" in the Edo period and avoided eating meat...]. Toyo keizai Inc. (in Japanese). November 8, 2017. Retrieved October 8, 2020.
  22. ↑ 野口道彦. 同和地区. Buraku Liberation and Human Rights Research Institute (in Japanese). Archived from the original on May 22, 2006. Retrieved February 2, 2020.
  23. ↑ Hankins, Joseph D (2014). Working Skin: Making Leather, Making a Multicultural Japan. University of California Press. p. 92. ISBN 9780520959163.
  24. ↑ Leslie D. Alldritt (July 2000). "The Burakumin: The Complicity of Japanese Buddhism in Oppression and an Opportunity for Liberation". Journal of Buddhist Ethics. ISSN 1076-9005. Archived from the original on November 25, 2005.
  25. ↑ Zusetsu kyō no buraku sabetsu kakuchi no jittai chōsa kekka yori 図説 今日の部落差別 各地の実態調査結果より [Illustrated Today's Buraku Discrimination Based on Survey Results in Various Regions] (in Japanese). BLHRRI. March 15, 1997. p. 31. ISBN 4-7592-0193-9.
  26. ↑ "Tōkyō no hisabetsuburaku no rekishi to genjō zenbun" 東京の被差別部落の歴史と現状・全文 [The History and Present Situation of Discriminated Buraku in Tokyo Full Text] (in Japanese). Tokyo: Buraku Liberation League. March 23, 2003. Archived from the original on June 6, 2011. Retrieved April 29, 2010.
  27. ↑ "Hōritsu dai roku jū-gō (Akira shi shi nana ichi rei) dōwa taisaku jigyō tokubetsu sochi-hō" 法律第六十号(昭四四・七・一〇) 同和対策事業特別措置法 [Law No. 60 (Showa 44.7.10) Dowa countermeasures business special measures law]. The House of Representatives, Japan (in Japanese). Retrieved August 7, 2020.
  28. ↑ Guest, Robert (July 9, 1992). "From the Cutting Room". Far Eastern Economic Review. pp. 28–29.
  29. ↑ "Kyoto Ijin: Nadamoto Masahisa".
  30. ↑ Morgan, Charlie V. (2007). "A Case Study of Buraku and Non-Buraku Couples in Japan". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 38 (1): 31–54. doi:10.3138/jcfs.38.1.31. JSTOR 41604121. Retrieved January 12, 2023.
  31. ↑ Guest, Robert (July 9, 1992). "A tale of two sisters". Far Eastern Economic Review. pp. 28–29.
  32. ↑ Alastair McLaughlan. "Japan's Burakumin: An Introduction". Japan Focus. Archived from the original on April 30, 2006. Retrieved May 8, 2006.
  33. ↑ "Dōwa chiku" 同和地区 [Dōwa district] (in Japanese). Buraku Liberation and Human Rights Research Institute. Archived from the original on May 22, 2006.
  34. ↑ Kaplan, David E.; Dubro, Alec (1986). Yakuza: The Explosive Account of Japan's Criminal Underworld. Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co.
  35. ↑ Archived at Ghostarchive and the Wayback Machine: "Speech by Mitsuhiro Suganuma". Japanese Yakuza. October 19, 2006.
  36. 1 2 Yamaguchi, Mari, "Discrimination claims die hard in Japan", The Japan Times, January 25, 2009, p. 2.
  37. 1 2 "Hashishita Ōsaka shichō, Asahishinbun no shuzai kyohi" 橋下・大阪市長、朝日新聞の取材拒否 [Osaka Mayor Hashimoto refuses to be interviewed by Asahi Shimbun]. The Nihon Keizai Shimbun (in Japanese). October 17, 2012. Retrieved August 31, 2020.
  38. ↑ "Hashishita shichō ni 'shūkan'asahi' hakkō-moto ga wakai-kin chisai de seiritsu" 橋下市長に「週刊朝日」発行元が和解金 地裁で成立 [Mayor Hashimoto agrees with the publisher of "Weekly Asahi" as settlement money at the district court]. The Nihon Keizai Shimbun (in Japanese). February 18, 2015. Retrieved August 31, 2020.
  39. ↑ "Hashishita-shi, asahishinbunshuppan to wakai 'shūkan'asahi' rensai meguru soshō, kaiketsu-kin to owabi bunsho kōfu" 橋下氏、朝日新聞出版と和解 「週刊朝日」連載めぐる訴訟、解決金とおわび文書交付 [Mr. Hashimoto settles with Asahi Shimbun Publishing Lawsuit over serialization in "Weekly Asahi"]. Sankei Shimbun (in Japanese). Archived from the original on November 4, 2020. Retrieved August 31, 2020.
  40. ↑ ""Shūkan'asahi" (2012-nen 10 tsuki 26-nichi-gō) keisai kiji 'hashishita yatsu no honshō' ni kansuru kōgi bun" 『週刊朝日』（2012年10月26日号）掲載記事「ハシシタ 奴の本性」に関する抗議文 [Protest against the article "Hashishita's true nature" published in "Weekly Asahi" (October 26, 2012 issue)]. Buraku Liberation League (in Japanese). Retrieved August 31, 2020.
  41. ↑ "Shūkan'asahi ga shazai bun keisai Hashishita ishin no kai daihyō daikō no kiji-meguri" 週刊朝日が謝罪文掲載 橋下・維新の会代表代行の記事巡り [Weekly Asahi published apology article]. The Nihon Keizai Shimbun (in Japanese). November 20, 2012. Retrieved August 31, 2020.
  42. ↑ "朝日新聞出版社長が引責辞任 橋下氏連載問題で". The Nihon Keizai Shimbun. November 12, 2012. Retrieved August 31, 2020.
  43. ↑ "Seeking to End Discrimination Through Dowa Education | Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs".
  44. ↑ Upham, Frank K. (1987), Instrumental Violence and the Struggle for Buraku Liberation, 146-190, in Michael Weiner (ed.), Race, Ethnicity and Migration in Modern Japan Volume II Indigenous and Colonial Others, London and New York: Routledge Curzon. ISBN 0-415-20856-4.
  45. ↑ Pharr, Susan J. (1990), Burakumin Protest: The incident at Yoka High School_, 133-145, in Michael Weiner(ed.), Race, Ethnicity and Migration in Modern Japan Volume II Indigenous and Colonial Others, London and New York: Routledge Curzon. ISBN 0-415-20856-4.
  46. ↑ Ichinomiya Yoshinari and Group K21 and Terazono Atsushi (eds.) (2003), Dowa riken no shinso 2 (Jinken Mafia-ka suru "Buraku Kaiho Domei" no renkinjutsu o ou! — The true face of Dowa interests 2 (Chasing the alchemy of the "Buraku Liberation League" which Mafiaizes human rights) ("Invasion of human rights" incidents in liberation education and human rights education), Tokyo: Takarajimasha.
  47. ↑ Neary, Ian (1997), Burakumin In Contemporary Japan_, 50-78, in Michael Weiner (ed.), Japan's Minorities: The Illusion of Homogeneity, London: Routledge p. 66 ISBN 0-415-15218-6.
  48. 1 2 Upham (1987).
  49. ↑ Ichinomiya, Group K21 and Terazono (eds.) (2003).
  50. ↑ Buraku Liberation and Human Rights Research Institute (2005 [2004]), Photo Document of the Post-war 60 Years-Development of the Buraku Liberation Movement, Osaka: Kaiho Publishing Company Ltd. ISBN 4-7592-4116-7
  51. ↑ "Zenkoku Buraku Kaihou Undou Rengkai" (National Buraku Liberation Alliance) (2004), "Zenkairen Dai 34 Kai Teiki Taikai Ni Tuite" ('About the Zenkairen 34th Regular Meeting), available at http://www.geocities.jp/zenkairen21/01-5.html Archived December 23, 2008, at the Wayback Machine [February 26, 2008].
  52. ↑ "Zenkoku chiiki jinken undō sō rengō" 全国地域人権運動総連合 [National Federation of Regional Human Rights Movements] (in Japanese). Retrieved July 29, 2019.
  53. ↑ Kasahara, Toshinori (1996). "Shin Buddhism and the Buraku-min". Archived from the original on May 3, 2005. Retrieved July 26, 2005.
  54. ↑ Tsutsui, Kiyoteru (August 3, 2018). Rights Make Might: Global Human Rights and Minority Social Movements in Japan. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780190853129.
  55. ↑ Brasor, Philip, "Hashimoto needs a much thicker skin", The Japan Times, October 28, 2012, p. 9.
  56. ↑ "'Hashimototōru wa buraku no kizzu' buraku kaihō dōmei iin-chō ni kiku" 「橋下徹は部落の鬼っ子」 部落解放同盟委員長に聞く ["Toru Hashimoto is a Buraku demon boy" Interview with the chairman of the Buraku Liberation League]. Business Journal (in Japanese). December 30, 2012. Retrieved February 17, 2013.
  57. ↑ Mikuni, Rentaro (March 2006). ikizama shinizama. ロングセラーズ. ISBN 4-8454-2071-6.
  58. ↑ "Buraku Liberation News" (PDF). Buraku Liberation League. September 1983.
  59. ↑ Tim Larimer Sonobe (March 26, 2001). "Head of the Pack". Time. Archived from the original on September 30, 2007.
  60. ↑ 藤岡, 雅 (August 30, 2014). "Yunikuro Yanai ga fūin shita 'ichizoku' no monogatari" ユニクロ・柳井が封印した「一族」の物語 [The story of the "clan" sealed by UNIQLO and Yanai]. 週刊現代 (in Japanese).

Bibliography

Main text originally from Library of Congress, Country Studies. 'Religious Discrimination' and 'Jodo shinshu Honganji' sections adapted from Shindharmanet and BLHRRI.Org.

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