Magister militum

Arbogastes
Other name(s)Arbogast, Arbogastiz
Born4th century
Galatia Minor
Died8 September 394
Near the Frigidus River
AllegianceWestern Roman Empire
Years of service? – 394
RankMagister militum
Battles/warsBattle of the Frigidus †
RelationsRichomeres (uncle)

Arbogastes or Arbogast (died 8 September 394) was a Roman army officer of Frankish origin.

Early career

Arbogastes, or simply Arbogast, was the nephew of the great Frankish general Flavius Richomeres[1] and a native of Galatia Minor.[2] His Germanic name, Arbogastiz, attested in other contexts, is composed of the elements *arbija- 'inheritance' and *gastiz 'guest'.[3] An ancient contention that he was the son of Bauto, his predecessor as Valentinian II's protector and magister militum, is variously defended and contested by modern scholarship.[4][5] John of Antioch fragment 187 is the source for Arbogast being Bauto's son, but no other ancient authority, who mentions these two, mentions that fact. Zosimus, without ascribing a familial relationship, says both were "Franks by birth, exceedingly well-disposed to the Romans, completely immune to bribes, and outstanding as regards to warfare in brain and brawn".[6]

Expelled from Galatia in the later 370s, Arbogast became an officer in the army of the Western Roman Empire under Gratian, son of Valentinian I[7] and elder brother to Valentinian II.[8] Having made a name for himself as an extremely efficient and loyal field-commander,[9] Arbogast came to be considered Gratian's principal officer, along with Mellobaudes, king of the Franks.[10] In 380 Gratian sent Arbogast, along with his magister militum Bauto,[11] to aid Theodosius I[12] against the Goths who had been pillaging areas of Macedonia and Thessaly since the preceding year. The combined Western and Eastern armies defeated the Gothic leader Fritigern, pushing his forces out of Macedonia and Thessaly towards Thrace in lower Moesia where the raids had begun, and ultimately established a peace treaty with the Visigoths in 382.[13] The following year, Gratian was deposed and killed by Magnus Maximus.[14]

Threat and execution of Maximus

Maximus gained recognition as Western Roman Emperor from Theodosius I, who ruled in the East.[15] Arbogast, apparently still loyal to the memory of Gratian, deserted from the Western army and went over to Theodosius, in whose service he also reached a position of distinction.[16] In 387 Maximus invaded Italy, demonstrating his ambitions of supremacy in the whole empire, and Theodosius took his trusted commanders Arbogast and Richomeres to fight the usurper.[17] The following year Maximus was defeated at Poetovio and fled to Aquileia, whose disaffected garrison arrested him and handed him over to Theodosius for execution.[18] Arbogast, who at this time had the title of magister peditum in the West, went to Trier on the orders of Theodosius and assassinated Victor, Maximus' son and heir.[19] The vacated western throne passed to Valentinian II, who was too young to rule on his own. Theodosius stayed in Italy to conduct civil and political affairs from the beginning of Valentinian's reign in 388 until 391, when he returned to Constantinople. Arbogast was promoted to magister militum and left to supervise the young Emperor, now headquartered in Vienne.[20]

Arbogast and Valentinian II

During his regency for Valentinian, Arbogast held the title of Magister Militum in Praesenti, or commander of the armies of the Western Empire; answering only to Theodosius, he effectively had absolute power over the western provinces, mainly Gaul, Spain and Britain. Arbogast could never exercise this power in his own name, because of his barbarian birth,[21] and he employed Valentinian as a figurehead ruler. The nominal Emperor was isolated in Vienne, his status essentially reduced to that of a private citizen. His court was dominated by allies of Arbogast,[22] and the control of the Western armies belonged to Arbogast's Frankish mercenaries. The Magister Militum became increasingly violent towards Valentinian II and his councilors, and is said to have killed Harmonius, a friend of the Emperor who had been accused of taking bribes, in Valentinian's presence.[23] At this point, Valentinian began sending secret messages to both Theodosius I and Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, pleading for them to come to his aid,[21] even asking Ambrose for a baptism in fear that he would die soon at the hands of Arbogast.[24]

Death of Valentinian II

In 392, Valentinian II attempted to assert his authority and dismiss Arbogast from office.[25] According to Zosimus, Arbogast replied "You have neither given me my command nor will you be able to take it away," threw the order of dismissal to the ground, and walked out.[26] Soon after this encounter, Arbogast and Valentinian met again and began a discussion which grew heated; Philostorgius claims that the Emperor tried to stab Arbogast and was stopped by a palace guard.[27] Shortly afterward on May 15, 392, Valentinian II was found hanged in his sleeping quarters. Declaring the death to be a suicide,[28] Arbogast sent the corpse to Milan for a proper funeral.[29]

Debate about the death of Valentinian II

Ambrose claims that the death of Valentinian II was the result of a dispute with Arbogast, involving diplomacy and who would lead the armies defending Italy from Balkan invasions.[30] Another roughly contemporary source, the ecclesiastical history of Tyrannius Rufinus, states that nobody was really sure whether it was a case of murder or of suicide.[31] Later ancient historians such as Zosimus,[32] Philostorgius,[33] Socrates Scholasticus,[34] and Paulus Orosius,[35] all believed Valentinian was murdered by Arbogast. Edward Gibbon thought the death was the result of a conspiracy to replace one puppet emperor with another, leaving Arbogast as the true source of power.[36] Conversely, modern scholars John Frederick Matthews[28] and Brian Croke[37] argue that Valentinian died by suicide. Croke points out that a four-month interregnum followed the death, indicating that Arbogast was unprepared to install a new emperor. Gerard Friell suggests that Valentinian killed himself out of humiliation after his authority was devalued by Arbogast on multiple occasions.[25] Thomas Hodgkin leans towards murder, claiming that “Arbogast had much to fear from the prolongation of his master's life, and something to hope from his death,” but he also acknowledges that the interregnum shows that Arbogast did not have a plan for what to do after the death of Valentinian.[38]

Arbogast and Eugenius

In August 392, Arbogast nominated Eugenius,[39] a Roman teacher of rhetoric, as the next emperor in the West.[40] Whether or not the rumors surrounding the death of Valentinian II are true, contemporaries initially considered the transfer of power "legitimate, legal, Roman, and civilized.”[41] With the new ruler established, in 393 Arbogast travelled across the Rhine frontier to take revenge against his own Franks and their kinglets Sunno and Marcomer, who had plundered the region in the reign of Valentinian.[42] The campaign, which met little opposition, included restoration of the fortress city of Cologne, an important strategic location which allowed the Romans to occupy the Rhine's eastern bank for the last time in their history.[21] Furthermore, Arbogast was able to conclude a peace treaty in which the Franks promised to supply the Roman military with valuable new recruits.[40]

Eugenius was a Christian, whose religious position had been approved by Ambrose and Theodosius I, but he was sympathetic to paganism and allowed the reopening of temples closed under Gratian and Valentinian II.[43] It has been suggested, by Zosimus among others,[44] that Arbogast chose Eugenius as part of a program of pagan revival.[41] Certainly there was an increase in public pagan worship during his reign,[45] although neither he nor Arbogast may have intended for this to be so.[46] It was dangerous to incur the displeasure of Theodosius, who seemed to be preparing his son Honorius, recently promoted to Augustus,[41] to take Eugenius' place. Furthermore, all communication between the Eastern and Western courts was now managed by Rufinus, Theodosius' new Praetorian Prefect, who could poison the Emperor's mind against Arbogast and Eugenius if he wished.[47]

In order to shore up their legitimacy, Arbogast and Eugenius moved in April 393 to take control of Italy, a strategic and symbolic center of the Roman world. There they engaged in further gestures of goodwill towards the pagan community, appointing the polytheist nobleman Virius Nicomachus Flavianus as Prefect of Italy,[48] and permitting the restoration of the Altar of Victory and other pagan symbols removed by stricter Christian emperors.[49] It was said that they threatened to turn the basilica at Milan into a stable for their horses.[50] When, in 394, Theodosius decided that Eugenius must be eliminated,[51] he justified the conflict as a holy war. The Eastern and Western forces had a single, decisive engagement, the Battle of the Frigidus.

Battle of the Frigidus and death of Arbogast

Theodosius set off from Constantinople in the middle of May, reaching Adrianople on 20 June 394. His route to Italy lay through the Julian Alps, and Arbogast and Eugenius moved to intercept him. They made camp in Milan and were joined by Nicomachus Flavianus, who had conducted a haruspicy and obtained a prophecy of victory for their cause.[52] The Western army's original plan called for laying a series of ambushes in the Alps, arranged so as to encircle Theodosius and his troops. Theodosius failed to appear at the expected time, and Arbogast concluded that the enemy had changed course and was trying to outflank him from behind the heavily defended Adriatic coast. He called off the attacks in the mountain passes and dispatched a substantial portion of his forces to the south to meet the supposed assault.

In fact, Theodosius had paused at Sirmium to gather reinforcements. He passed undisturbed through the Alps and reached Arbogast's location in September. The forces of Arbogast and Eugenius entrenched themselves in a plain with their backs turned to the river Frigidus, with additional troops occupying nearby elevated positions and the south still defended against outflanking movements. Theodosius was compelled to make a frontal assault. Battle commenced on 5 September 394 and lasted the entire day, with Theodosius failing to break through Arbogast's lines. Having taken heavy losses, the Eastern army retreated towards the protection of the Julian Alps. Arbogast sent a large force after them, but suffered a humiliating reversal when Theodosius convinced the attackers to switch sides in return for a substantial bribe.

Thus reinforced, Theodosius was ready to attack Arbogast and Eugenius again on the following day. He approached the battlefield on a narrow road, where the diminished Western army tried to ambush him. The ambush was thwarted by a local weather phenomenon known as the Bora, wherein the pressure effect on cold air passing over the mountains produces cyclonic winds of up to 60 mph. The wind threw dust in the faces of Arbogast and his troops and turned back their projectile weapons, helping Theodosius to a comprehensive victory.[53][54][55] Christian writers such as Theodoretus and Saint Augustine say that the Battle of the Frigidus was won through divine intervention, although a modern scholar sees more significance in Theodosius' unprecedentedly large-scale employment of barbarian mercenaries.[56]

Eastern forces overran the enemy camp and captured Eugenius, who was beheaded. Arbogast escaped into the Alps, where he wandered alone for a few days. Sometime after 6 September 394, he decided that his position was hopeless and killed himself.[57]

Legacy

"Flavius Arbogastes...was a first-class military commander with a fine record, very popular with the army and wholly loyal to the houses of Valentinian and Theodosius.”[21]

"Arbogast, the flame-like Frank, was [...] no mere intriguer like Maximus, but a brave and well-trained soldier, probably the best General in the Roman Empire..."[58]

“Arbogastes was a barbarian who excelled in spirit, counsel, bravery, boldness, and power.”[59]

On succeeding Bauto: "To the soldiers under his command he seemed like a suitable successor, for he was brave and experienced in warfare and contemptuous of money. And so he came to great power, such that even in the Emperor's presence he spoke quite freely, and he vetoed those actions which he thought were wrong or unbecoming...for Arbogastes was supported by the good will of all the soldiers."[26]

See also

References

  1. ↑ Jones, Martindale & Morris, p. 765–766.
  2. ↑ Socrates, ch. XXV, p. 297 https://archive.org/details/ecclesiasticalh02valogoog/page/296/mode/2up
  3. ↑ Ludwig, p. 60
  4. ↑ Jones, Martindale & Morris, p. 97.
  5. ↑ Cameron, Alan (2010). The Last Pagans of Rome. Oxford University Press. pp. 85–86.
  6. ↑ Zosimus, IV. 33 p. 165
  7. ↑ Jones, Martindale & Morris, p. 933–934.
  8. ↑ Croke 1976, p. 236.
  9. ↑ Burns 1994, p. 75.
  10. ↑ Edward Gibbon, The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire, (The Modern Library, 1932), chap. XXVI., p. 933; chap. XXVII., pp. 961, 994
  11. ↑ Jones, Martindale & Morris, p. 159–160.
  12. ↑ Jones, Martindale & Morris, p. 904–905.
  13. ↑ Wolfram, pp. 132–134
  14. ↑ Jones, Martindale & Morris, p. 588.
  15. ↑ Cambridge Medieval History, p. 383
  16. ↑ Gibbon, p. 994
  17. ↑ Williams & Friell 1994, p. 62.
  18. ↑ Williams & Friell 1994, p. 63.
  19. ↑ Zosimus, IV. 47 p. 180
  20. ↑ Croke 1976, p. 235.
  21. 1 2 3 4 Williams & Friell 1994, p. 126.
  22. ↑ Gregory of Tours, II.9 p. 122
  23. ↑ Hodgkin, pp. 551–552
  24. ↑ Hodgkin, p. 554
  25. 1 2 Williams & Friell 1994, p. 127.
  26. 1 2 Zosimus, IV. 53 p. 186
  27. ↑ Philostorgius, 11.9 p. 143
  28. 1 2 Matthews, p. 238
  29. ↑ Ambrose, p. 358
  30. ↑ Ambrose, p. 359
  31. ↑ Rufinus, XI. 31
  32. ↑ Zosimus, IV. 54 pp. 186–187
  33. ↑ Philostorgius, 11.1, p. 143
  34. ↑ Socrates, 5.11
  35. ↑ Orosius, 7.35
  36. ↑ Gibbon, ch 27
  37. ↑ Croke 1976, p. 244.
  38. ↑ Hodgkin, p.592
  39. ↑ Jones, Martindale & Morris, p. 293.
  40. 1 2 Burns 1994, p. 104.
  41. 1 2 3 Williams & Friell 1994, p. 129.
  42. ↑ Gregory of Tours, II.9, p. 122
  43. ↑ Hodgkin, p. 560
  44. ↑ Zosimus, IV. 54 p. 187
  45. ↑ Salzman, "Ambrose and the Usurpation of Arbogastes and Eugenius"
  46. ↑ Paulinus, p. 106
  47. ↑ Williams & Friell 1994, p. 128.
  48. ↑ Jones, Martindale & Morris, p. 630.
  49. ↑ Williams & Friell 1994, p. 130.
  50. ↑ Paulinus, p. 108
  51. ↑ Socrates, 5.18.14.
  52. ↑ Williams & Friell 1994, p. 132.
  53. ↑ Burns 1994, p. 104–107.
  54. ↑ Williams & Friell 1994, p. 132–134.
  55. ↑ Hebblewhite 2020, p. 137–140.
  56. ↑ Burns 1994, p. 105.
  57. ↑ Williams & Friell 1994, p. 134–135.
  58. ↑ Hodgkin, p. 559
  59. ↑ Orosius, Histories 7.35.11

Sources

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  • Orosius, Paulus (2002). The Seven Books of History Against the Pagans. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press. ISBN 978-0-8132-1310-1.
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  • Matthews, John (1975). Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, A.D. 364–425. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0-19-814499-1.
  • Salzman, Michele Renee. Ambrose and the Usurpation of Arbogastes and Eugenius: Reflections on Pagan-Christian Conflict Narratives. Journal of Early Christian Studies – Volume 18, Number 2, Summer 2010, pp. 191–223. The Johns Hopkins University Press.
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Further reading

  • Bloch, H. (1945). "A New Document of the Last Pagan Revival in the West 392–394 A.D". Harvard Theological Review. 38 (4): 225. doi:10.1017/S0017816000022793. S2CID 162536717.
  • Potter, David. From the Tetrarch To the Theodosians: Later Roman History and Culture 284–450 CE
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